Doing procurement differently after Brexit? [update]

The UK in a Changing Europe (UKICE) has published a new report: ‘Doing things differently? Policy after Brexit‘. The report provides an update on last year’s ‘UK regulation after Brexit', as well as additional analysis.

‘Doing things differently? Policy after Brexit’ brings together a number experts in their respective fields to investigate how policy and policymaking have changed in a range of sectors. UKICE asked them to consider how changes so far compare to what was promised before Brexit, and to analyse what changes lie ahead and what their impact might be.

I contributed a section on public procurement. For more details and broader developments in UK procurement regulation, you can also see my recent country report for EPPPL.

What changes were promised after Brexit?

Public procurement regulation is a set of rules and policies controlling the award of public contracts for works, supplies, and services. Its main goal is to ensure probity and value for money in the spending of public funds, to prevent corruption, collusion, and wastage of taxpayers’ money. As pandemic-related procurement has shown, the absence of procurement rules (or their disapplication due to an emergency), all too often leads to the improper award of public contracts. Nonetheless, the benefits of constraining discretion in the award of public contracts are easily forgotten in ‘normal times’, and procurement regulation is permanently challenged for creating an administrative burden on both the public sector and on companies tendering for public contracts, and for stifling innovation.

Procurement has long been heavily influenced by international and regional agreements, which constrain domestic choices to facilitate cross-border tendering for public contracts. Before Brexit, the UK was directly bound by the procurement rules of the European Union (EU), and indirectly by those of the World Trade Organisation’s Government Procurement Agreement (GPA), to which EU rules are aligned. As a result, UK regulatory autonomy was limited to the spaces left by general EU rules requiring domestic transposition. The UK decided not to exercise that limited discretion and consistently took a copy-out approach to the transposition of EU rules, so pre-Brexit UK procurement regulation was virtually identical to the EU’s.

During the Brexit process, public procurement was ear-marked for reform. Boris Johnson promised a ‘bonfire of procurement red tape to give small firms a bigger slice of Government contracts’ and his Government proposed to significantly rewrite the procurement rulebook, and to adopt an ambitious ‘Buy British’ policy to reserve some public contracts to British firms.

What has changed so far?

Despite those promises, the UK Government has made big efforts to replicate international and regional procurement agreements post-Brexit, which means it will continue to be hard to introduce an effective ‘Buy British’ policy. The UK gained GPA membership in its own right on 1 January 2021. This now directly constrains domestic choices on procurement regulation. The EU-UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement (TCA) also includes a chapter on public procurement that leaves mutual market access commitments virtually unchanged.

The UK Government was slow to understand (or at least clearly communicate) the implications of this continuity in the trade-related aspects of procurement regulation. On 15 December 2020, the Cabinet Office issued a Procurement Policy Note (PPN) on ‘Reserving below threshold procurements’ that formulated the new ‘Buy British’ policy in terms of reserving contracts by supplier location (either UK-wide, or by county) and/or reserving them for small and medium sized enterprises (SMEs) or voluntary, community and social enterprises (VCSEs). Aggressive implementation could have contravened international agreements to which the UK had signed up. This led to the publication on 19 February 2021 of a new PPN on ‘The WTO GPA and the UK-EU TCA,’ stressing that the pre-Brexit limits on a ‘Buy British’ policy remain in place and virtually unchanged post-Brexit.

On 15 December 2020, the UK Government published the green paper ‘Transforming Public Procurement’ to consult on planned legislative changes to the procurement rulebook. The original timeline envisaged the introduction of a Procurement Bill in Parliament after summer 2021. However, the volume of responses to the public consultation (over 600) and the complex issues they raised, as well as the intrinsic difficulty in seeking to significantly change procurement law in a manner that is compliant with international obligations led the Cabinet Office to adjust the timeline. The 6 December 2021 Government response to the public consultation clarified that the new regime will not come into force until 2023 at the earliest.

So far, then, the Brexit-related changes have been modest. There have been some policy developments, such as the adoption of a National Procurement Policy Statement seeking to embed government goals such as growth and jobs and climate change in procurement decision-making; a push for a fresh approach to assessing social value in the award of government contracts; new requirements for firms applying for major contracts to have Carbon Reduction plans; and to also require those firms to have systems in place that ensure prompt, fair and effective payments to their supply chains. None of these will reduce procurement red tape and most, if not all, would have been possible pre-Brexit.

What are the possibilities for the future?

Given the commitments in the GPA and TCA, there is virtually no scope for a Buy British policy. The UK could be more aggressive in the exclusion of tenderers from non-GPA jurisdictions such as China, India or Brazil (something the EU is increasingly doing) as a practical way of seeking to boost contract awards to UK companies.

By contrast, the process of reform of the UK’s procurement rulebook is likely to result in a new set of streamlined regulations, as well as a voluminous body of guidance. Despite the Government’s prioritisation of simplification as a primary goal of legislative reform, the extent to which procurement can be significantly deregulated is unclear, as a result both of international commitments and, more importantly, the need to create a legislative framework fit for purpose that does not overwhelm the public sector in its complexity.

There is an opportunity for the Procurement Bill to make some progress on the modernisation and digitalisation of procurement systems, which has been slow in the UK despite it being a shared strategic goal with the EU. It is likely that the new rules will bring a clearer focus on open procurement data, which could enable a change of approach to the practice and management of procurement and offer some benefits from a red tape perspective. However, the green paper was criticised, among other things, for a lack of ambition in the automation of public procurement, so the extent to which tech will be a pillar of procurement ‘transformation’ in the UK remains unclear.

Overall, not much has changed and, rhetoric apart, there is limited scope for further change.

The 'NHS Food Scanner' app as a springboard to explore the regulation of public sector recommender systems

In England, the Department of Health and Social Care (DHSC) offers an increasingly wide range of public health-related apps. One of the most recently launched is the ‘Food Scanner’, which aims to provide ‘swap suggestions, which means finding healthier choices for your family is easier than ever!’.

This is part of a broader public health effort to tackle, among other issues, child obesity, and is currently supported by a strong media push aimed primarily at parents. As the parent of two young children, this clearly caught my attention.

The background for this public health intervention is clear:

Without realising it, we are all eating too much sugar, saturated fat and salt. Over time this can lead to harmful changes on the inside and increases the risk of serious diseases in the future. Childhood obesity is a growing issue with figures showing that in England, more than 1 in 4 children aged 4-to 5-years-old and more than 1 in 3 children aged 10 and 11-years-old are overweight or obese.

The Be Food Smart campaign empowers families to take control of their diet by making healthier food and drink choices. The free app works by scanning the barcode of products, revealing the total sugar, saturated fat and salt inside and providing hints and tips adults plus fun food detectives activities for kids.

No issues with that. My family and myself could do with a few healthier choices. So I downloaded the app and started playing around.

As I scanned a couple of (unavoidably) branded products from the cupboard, I realised that the swaps were not for generic, alternative, healthier products, but also for branded products (often of a different brand). While this has the practical advantage of specifying the recommended healthier alternative in an ‘actionable’ manner for the consumer, this made my competition lawyer part of the brain uneasy.

The proposed swaps were (necessarily) ranked and limited, with a ‘top 3’ immediately on display, and with a possibility to explore further swaps not too easy to spot (unless you scrolled down to the bottom). The different offered swaps also had a ‘liked’ button with a counter (still in very low numbers, probably because the app is very new), but those ‘likes’ did not seem to establish ranking (or alter it?), as lower ranked items could have higher like counts (in my limited experiment).

I struggled to make sense of how products are chosen and presented. This picked my interest, so I looked at how the swaps ‘work’.

The in-app information explained that:

How do we do this?

We look into 3 aspects of the product that you have scanned:
1) Product name; so we can try and find similar products based on the words used within the name.
2) Ingredients list; so we can try and find similar products based on the ingredients of the product you have scanned.
3) Pack size; finally we look into the size of the product you have scanned so that, if have scanned a 330ml can, we can try and show you another can-sized product rather than a 1 litre bottle.

How are they ordered?

We have a few rules as to what we show within the top 3. We reserve spaces for:
1) The same manufacturer; if you have scanned a particular brand we will do our best to try and find a healthier version of that same brand which qualifies for a good choice badge.
2) The same supermarket; if you have scanned a supermarket product we will again do our best to show you an alternative from the same store.
3) Partner products; there are certain products which team up with Change4life that we will try and show if they match the requirements of the products you have scanned.

I could see that convenience and a certain element of ‘competition neutrality’ were clearly at play, but a few issues bothered me, especially as the interaction between manufacturer/supermarket is not too clear and there is a primary but nebulous element of preferencing that I was not expecting in an app meant to provide product-based information. I could see myself spending the night awake, trying to find out how that ‘partnership’ is structured, what are the conditions for participating, if there are any financial flows to the Department and/or to partner organisations, etc.

I also realised some quirks or errors in the way information is processed and presented by the Food Scanner app, such as the exact same product (in different format) being assigned different ‘red light’ classifications (see the Kellogg’s Corn Flakes example on the side bar). At a guess, it could be that these divergences come from the fact that there is no single source for the relevant information (it would seem that ‘The nutrient data provided in the app is supplied by Brandbank and FoodSwitch’) and that there is not an entity overseeing the process and curating the data as necessary. In fact, DHSC’s terms and conditions for the Food Scanner app (at 6.10) explicitly state that ‘We do not warrant that any such information is true or accurate and we exclude all liability in respect of the accuracy, completeness, fitness for purpose or legality of that information’ . Interesting…

It is also difficult to see how different elements of the red light system (ie sugar vs saturated fat vs salt) are subject to trade-offs as eg, sometimes, a red/green/yellow product is recommended swapping with a yellow/yellow/yellow product. Working out the scoring system behind such recommendations seems difficult, as there will necessarily be a trade off between limiting (very) high levels of one of the elements against recommending products that are ‘not very healthy’ on all counts. There has to be a system behind this — in the end, there has to be an algorithm underpinning the app. But how does it work and what science informs it?

These are all questions I am definitely interested in exploring. However, I called it a night and planned to look for some help to investigate this properly (a small research project is in the making and I have recruited a fantastic research associate — keep an eye on the blog for more details). For now, I can only jot down a few thoughts on things that will be interesting to explore, to which I really have no direct answers.

The Food Scanner is clearly a publicly endorsed (and owned? developed?) recommender system. However, using a moderate research effort, it is very difficult to access useful details on how it works. There is no published algorithmic transparency template (that I could find). The in-app explanations of how the recommender system works raise more questions than they answer.

There is also no commitment by the DHSC to the information provided being ‘true or accurate’, not to mention complete. This displaces the potential liability and all the accountability for the information on display to (a) Brandbank, a commercial entity within the multinational Nielsen conglomerate, and to (b) Foodswitch, a data-technology platform developed by The George Institute for Global Health. The role of these two institutions, in particular concerning the ‘partnership’ between manufacturers and Change4life (now ‘Better Health’ and, effectively, the Office for Health Improvement & Disparities in the DHSC?), is unclear. It is also unclear whether the combination of the datasets operated by both entities is capable of providing a sufficiently comprehensive representation of the products effectively available in England and, in any case, it seems clear to me that there is a high risk (or certainty) that non mass production/consumption ‘healthy products’ are out of the equation. How this relates to broader aspects of competition, but also of public health policy, can only raise questions.

Additionally, all of this raises quite a few issues from the perspective of the trustworthiness that this type of app can command, as well as the broader competition law implications resulting from the operation of the Food Scanner.

And I am sure that more and more questions will come to mind as I spend more time obsessing about it.

Beyond the specificities of the case, it seems to me that the NHS Food Scanner app is a good springboard to explore the regulation of public sector recommender systems more generally — or, rather, some of the risks implicit in the absence of specific regulation and the difficulties in applying standard regulatory mechanisms (and, perhaps, especially competition law) in this context. Hopefully, there will be some interesting research findings to report by the summer. Stay tuned, and keep healthy!

Recent developments in UK procurement regulation -- consolidated overview

I have put together a consolidated review of recent developments in UK procurement regulation, to be included as a country report in a forthcoming issue of the European Procurement & Public Private Partnership Law Review.

It brings together developments discussed in the blog in recent months. including the Post-Brexit rulebook reform, the proposal of special rules for healthcare services commissioning, the procurement chapter in the UK-Australia Free Trade Agreement, and a recent decision in the PPE procurement litigation saga.

In case of interest, it can be downloaded from SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=4016424.

It contains nothing new, though, so assiduous readers may want to skip this one!

Procurement chapter in the UK-Australia Free Trade Agreement -- GPA+ or GPA complex?

Both the UK and Australia are members of the World Trade Organisation Government Procurement Agreement (GPA). The GPA is a multilateral agreement and its members generally make commitments applicable to all other members, but the GPA’s operation is also largely bilateral in the sense that countries can tailor their coverage schedules to include specific rules or derogations of commitments vis-a-vis specific GPA members (either on the basis of expected reciprocity, or otherwise).

Given this possibility of differentiated bilateral treatment within the multilateral framework of the GPA, it could seem surprising that the recent bilateral UK-Australia Free Trade Agreement (UK-AUS FTA) includes a chapter on public procurement (chapter 16). However, this approach to the inclusion of procurement chapters that go beyond existing GPA commitments (GPA+) in bilateral FTAs rather than through the GPA is not new. Australia has long engaged with this approach [see eg D Collins, ‘Government Procurement with Strings Attached: The Uneven Control of Offsets by the World Trade Organization and Regional Trade Agreements’ (2018) 8(2) Asian Journal of International Law 301–321]. As has the UK, in a manner that carries on from the EU’s approach that bound the UK until it gained independent GPA membership on 1 January 2021 [see eg M Garcia, ‘Procurement Liberalization Diffusion in EU Agreements: Signalling Stewardship?’ (2014) 48(3) Journal of World Trade 481-500].

Ways of going GPA+ in bilateral FTAs

There are two primary approaches to the creation of bilateral GPA+ procurement regimes in FTAs. One is to simply incorporate the GPA and the relevant schedules of coverage into the bilateral FTA by reference, and then add whichever ‘plus’ elements are agreed in specific FTA provisions and/or expanded schedules of coverage. This is the approach followed in the EU-UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement (EU-UK TCA), which Art 277 incorporates certain provisions of the GPA and covered procurement, and Arts 278-286 establish additional rules for covered procurement—with additional requirements for not covered procurement also contained in the TCA (Art 287-288), as well as a specific set of rules on modification of coverage, dispute resolution and cooperation (Arts 289-294).

The alternative approach is to replicate the text of the GPA itself in the bilateral FTA and to include additional commitments either as part of those provisions (eg by reducing optionality and making specific requirements mandatory), or by adding additional provisions, as well as including expanded schedules of coverage. This is for example the approach followed in the EU-Singapore FTA (Chapter 9), or the EU-Canada FTA (CETA, Chapter 19). And this is also the approach followed by the UK-AUS FTA, which includes a significant number of variations on the GPA text worth assessing (below).

Complications of going GPA+ in bilateral FTAs

From a legal interpretation perspective, the first approach (incorporation by reference) is likely to minimise risks of inconsistency between the GPA and the FTA because, unless the additional obligations overlap (and contradict) the basic obligations in the GPA, it is more likely that the FTA really only deals with the ‘plus’ agreed between its parties. In contrast, the second approach (replication) creates significant scope for legal uncertainty where the text of the GPA is altered in the process of its inclusion into the FTA, as it will not always be clear whether the parties sought to deviate from GPA obligations and, in my view, establishing the purpose of a specific deviation is more difficult to do in the context of a provision that is mostly like the GPA’s, rather than in a self-standing provision.

Either way, under both approaches, where the bilateral FTA deviates from the GPA in a way that is not clearly adding obligations or expanding scope of coverage, but rather varying or reducing the parties’ obligations towards each other, the extent to which the inclusion of an incompatible clause in the FTA will generate a change in the legal position of the parties under the GPA or more generally is unclear as, more importantly, is unclear whether it will generate a practical effect.

This can be a rather tricky issue of treaty interpretation governed by the 1969 Vienna Convention on the Law of the Treaties (Art 30), on which I will have to defer to specialists. However, from a practical perspective, it seems to me that the GPA+ approach is incapable of generating practical effects concerning a reduction or variation of the requirements applicable to the tendering of public contracts where the specific procurement is subject to dual coverage. Given that GPA+ extensions of coverage are usually only incremental above the general coverage included in the GPA schedules for each of the parties, most of the procurement opportunities covered by the FTA will be subject to such dual regulation.

Imagine a bilateral FTA that excludes a specific obligation (eg concerning the need to mention in the notice of intended procurement that the procurement is covered by the FTA) while that obligation is, however, included in the GPA. If a procurement is covered both by the GPA and the FTA, the procuring Member State will have to comply with the most demanding legal regime between the GPA and the FTA (at least vis-a-vis the other GPA members; in the example, it will have to indicate that the procurement is covered by the GPA) and, in that scenario, the practical effects of the deviation in the FTA from the GPA regulatory benchmark will be nullified (eg because it will be possible for tenderers from the FTA jurisdiction to identify the opportunity as also open to them).

While there can be some marginal circumstances in which there can be a practical effect (eg reducing or excluding access to remedies vis-a-vis tenderers from the FTA jurisdiction), those are unlikely to go unchallenged (eg on the basis that more unfavourable treatment under the bilateral FTA is incompatible with the GPA commitments, subject to issue of treaty interpretation, as above).

All in all, it seems difficult to understand why countries would want to vary or reduce their obligations under the GPA in bilateral FTAs—given that, at the end of the day, those are regulatory constraints they had accepted in the context of the GPA that bound them (also bilaterally) prior to entering into the FTA. It could be that reduced procedural or substantive guarantees are a trade-off they are willing to make in exchange for increased economic coverage of their bilateral procurement trade. But this seems to unnecessarily overcomplicate the legal environment, potentially with unpredictable consequences. However, this is clearly the approach followed in the procurement chapter of the UK-AUS FTA, which is worth looking at closely. Some of the analysis of the UK-AUS FTA will be applicable to other GPA+ FTAs, to the extent that they include the same, or similar deviations from the GPA.

Selected complications in the GPA+ (or GPA-) approach of the UK-AUS FTA

The procurement chapter of the UK-AUS FTA includes relevant deviations from the GPA (a full list is available below, Appendix). Some of these variations raise interpretive and practical issues, such as the effect of a change in the national treatment clause (arguably the pillar of the GPA regime), or a change in the wording of the main clause on remedies (another of the crucial provisions in the GPA). I will now address these two issues in detail, as they seem to me to be indicative of a GPA- rather than a GPA+ approach in the UK-AUS FTA—and thus liable to the sort of complication laid out above.

Remit of the national treatment obligation

The GPA imposes national treatment and non-discrimination obligations as the foundation of its regulatory architecture. The GPA national treatment clause reads ‘With respect to any measure regarding covered procurement, each Party, including its procuring entities, shall accord immediately and unconditionally to the goods and services of any other Party and to the suppliers of any other Party offering the goods or services of any Party, treatment no less favourable than the treatment the Party, including its procuring entities, accords to: a) domestic goods, services and suppliers; and b) goods, services and suppliers of any other Party’ (Art IV(1) emphasis added). This creates a two-tier requirement of ‘most favoured treatment’, both between the goods, services and suppliers of two given GPA members (procuring and supplying) and across the goods, services and suppliers of all GPA parties other than the procuring party.

The underlined clause leaves the possibility open for differential treatment of suppliers of a GPA party offering goods or services of a non-GPA party. This is in line with the GPA non-discrimination clause, which reads: ‘With respect to any measure regarding covered procurement, a Party, including its procuring entities, shall not: a) treat a locally established supplier less favourably than another locally established supplier on the basis of the degree of foreign affiliation or ownership; or b) discriminate against a locally established supplier on the basis that the goods or services offered by that supplier for a particular procurement are goods or services of any other Party’ (Art IV(2) emphasis added). Again, the possibility is open for differential treatment of suppliers of a GPA party offering goods or services of a non-GPA party—on the implicit assumption that domestic suppliers offering goods or services of a non-GPA party are subjected to the same differential treatment.

The UK-AUS FTA replicates these two clauses in Art 16.4(1) and (2). However, Art 16.4(1) simply states that ‘With respect to any measure regarding covered procurement, each Party, including its procuring entities, shall accord immediately and unconditionally to the goods and services of the other Party and to the suppliers of the other Party, treatment no less favourable …’. Similarly, Art 16.4(2) establishes that ‘With respect to any measure regarding covered procurement, neither Party, including its procuring entities, shall: … (b) discriminate against a locally established supplier on the basis that the good or service offered by that supplier for a particular procurement is a good or service of the other Party.

The deviation in the UK-AUS FTA from the GPA clause can raise interpretive issues concerning the possibility of differential treatment of UK or AUS suppliers offering the goods or services of a third party, which can lead to two views. One view, based on a literal interpretation of the clause, is that suppliers of either of the parties are protected under the national treatment regime, even if they offer goods or services from third parties (unless domestic suppliers offering goods or services from third parties are also subjected to specific differential treatment—eg exclusion). The other view, based on a functional/systematic interpretation that took account of the fact that Art 16.4(2)(b) only refers to locally established suppliers offering goods or services of the other party, would be that it is implicit in Art 16.4(1) that suppliers are only protected as long as they offer goods or services of one of the parties (ie UK or AUS goods or services).

The interpretation is not limited to the FTA itself, but needs to take into account the interplay with the GPA, given that the UK and AUS are bound by it in relation to the other GPA parties. In that regard, if a procurement is dually covered by the FTA and the GPA, the second interpretation in my view just does not hold water because eg a UK tenderer for an AUS contract covered by both the FTA and the GPA offering the goods of another GPA member (eg the EU) would necessarily be protected by the GPA national treatment clause in order for the EU goods not to be ultimately discriminated against in breach of the AUS-EU obligations under the GPA. And a similar effect would result from the triangular interaction between the UK-AUS FTA and other FTAs binding either of the parties.

If this is correct, it also seems difficult to argue that the interpretation of Art 16.4(1) in the FTA varies, depending on whether the third country goods or services for the purposes of the FTA being offered by a UK or AUS supplier, are (or not) also third country goods for the purposes of the GPA and/or other applicable FTAs. It should also be stressed that (pragmatically) not all third countries will be seen as deserving the same treatment (eg exclusion), so that there can be undesirable implications in eg applying differential treatment to both domestic and foreign (UK and AUS) suppliers offering third country goods or services, where the origin of those services is not the same.

Therefore, it would have been much preferable to include a specific clause in Art 16.4(1) establishing that national treatment needs to be granted to suppliers of either party offering goods or services covered by this or any other international agreements requiring equal treatment of goods or services of a specific origin — or something to that effect. An alternative would have been to change the drafting and adopt a broader clause, eg based on Art 25 of Directive 2014/24/EU [for analysis, see A La Chimia, ‘Art 25’ in R Caranta and A Sanchez-Graells, European Public Procurement. Commentary on Directive 2014/24/EU (Edward Elgar, 2021) 274-286].

Overall, this will primarily be relevant in procurement covered by the UK-AUS FTA and not the GPA (either because of differential value thresholds, or differences in scope of coverage: notably, in the concessions sector). But some of these contracts can have very high values. Against that background, it seems that the uncertainty on the proper meaning of the (reduced) national treatment clause in the FTA generates an unnecessary complication.

Watering down of procedural guarantees and access to remedies?

The GPA develops a rather robust set of requirements for the design of domestic review procedures (Art XVIII GPA). The UK-AUS FTA deviates from the GPA benchmark in two important aspects.

First, the FTA limits the right to be heard in the context of a procurement challenge. While the GPA states that ‘the participants to the proceedings … shall have the right to be heard prior to a decision of the review body being made on the challenge’ (Art XVIII(6)(b)), the FTA provides instead that ‘a supplier that initiates a complaint shall be provided an opportunity to reply to the procuring entity’s response before the review authority takes a decision on the complaint’ (Art 16.19(6)(b)). Although the relevance of these differences in wording will depend on how the review bodies and courts interpret them, there seem to be two clear intended changes:

First, a reduction of the potential scope of beneficiaries of the right to be heard, which is constrained to the supplier that initiates a complaint. Whether other ‘challengers’ are allowed in a procurement review procedures will depend on the rules on active standing, but this is clearly more prescriptive than the broader term ‘participants’ used by the GPA. It is also interesting to note that the FTA uses the term ‘participants’ in the rest of Art 16.19(6), eg concerning the right to be represented and accompanied (c), or the right to access to all proceedings (d), or the right to request that the proceedings take place in public and that witnesses may be presented (e).

Second, there is a parallel reduction of the extent of the right to be heard, which is limited to replying to the procurement entity’s response to the initial complaint. The practical implications of these changes are difficult to understand in abstract terms—although they do seem to put significant pressure on the comprehensiveness of the initial complaint and perhaps seek to bar the addition of further grounds for challenge as discovery takes place—but there must be some reason behind this (eg seeking to reduce the cost of defending procurement challenges, perhaps especially in UK Courts?).

In a similarly restrictive fashion, the FTA also includes changes in the regulation of remedies. There are two issues.

The first one is an omission of the possibility to obtain a suspension of proceedings as an interim measure. While the GPA clearly indicates that the obligation to provide for rapid interim measures includes the possibility that ‘Such interim measures may result in suspension of the procurement process’ (Art XVIII(7)(a) GPA), the FTA omits that explicit reference (Art 16.19(7)(a) FTA). In general, the FTA would to me seem insufficient to exclude suspension as a potential interim measure if it is generally available under the applicable procedural rules, but this should perhaps be analysed with the second change in the regulation of remedies.

The second change is a relocation of the public interest clause allowing for the overriding adverse consequences of a procurement challenge to be taken into account, so that it not only applies to the possibility of seeking interim relief, but also to corrective action. In the GPA, the obligation to provide for rapid interim measures is caveated as follows: ‘The procedures may provide that overriding adverse consequences for the interests concerned, including the public interest, may be taken into account when deciding whether such measures should be applied. Just cause for not acting shall be provided in writing’ (Art XVIII(7)(a) GPA). This clearly is meant to allow a review body not to adopt interim measures, but without prejudice of an eventual decision on corrective action or financial compensation, which are separately regulated (Art XVIII(7)(b) GPA).

Conversely, in the FTA, the public interest clause is placed at the end of the relevant provision (Art 16.19(7)) and covers both the obligation to adopt or maintain procedures that provide for (a) prompt interim measures to preserve the supplier's opportunity to participate in the procurement; and (b) corrective action that may include compensation. This can hardly be seen as a clerical error, but the likely intended effect of excluding financial compensation on grounds of an overriding public interest is, in my view, unlikely to be upheld in case of challenge, especially bearing in mind that the FTA has already significantly limited the scope for financial compensation in establishing that ‘If the review authority has determined that there has been a breach or a failure [of the claimant’s rights under the FTA or the domestic rules implementing it] a Party may limit compensation for the loss or damages suffered to either the costs reasonably incurred in the preparation of the tender or in bringing the complaint, or both’ (Art 16.19(5)).

The possibility to completely exclude financial compensation for breach of the FTA obligations would render the system toothless. Moreover, this is clearly a deviation that would be disputed in terms of legal interpretation (eg in relation to dual coverage procurements under the GPA and the FTA). Once again, it seems that the uncertainty on the proper meaning of the watered down procedural guarantees and access to remedies in the FTA generate an unnecessary complication.

Some final thoughts on increased coverage, and its bilateral nature

A final issue worth considering is the technical complexity (and tediousness) of identifying the economic coverage gains expected of a GPA+ procurement chapter in an FTA. While this is probably abundantly clear to negotiating teams, it is quite difficult to assess on the basis of the written agreement, even carefully combing through the schedules of coverage of the GPA and the FTA. In that regard, it would be helpful if those assessments were published, or for the relevant publications to include more detail.

The Impact Assessment of the UK-AUS FTA published by the Department for International Trade (DIT) solely contains a brief paragraph (and a complicated footnote) to support rather large headline claims:

‘Australia has offered the UK more legally guaranteed procurement market access than it has offered in any other FTA, amounting to approximately £10 billion of new legally guaranteed market access for UK businesses per year.[34] In return, the UK has offered to build on the legally guaranteed market access offered to Australia in the GPA by offering additional sub-central entities and coverage of additional services’ (Impact assessment, at 21).

[34] This estimate has been derived using a combination of publicly available contract award notices (AusTender, 2018-2019). Where data is missing or unavailable, individual expenditure reports for relevant entities have been sourced. Certain assumptions have then been applied using published OECD statistics (OECD Government at a Glance, 2019). Australia provided estimates for the value of their services offer. Detailed UNSPSC-CPC matching was undertaken, with the help of Australia, to determine which exact services would come into scope of their offer. This estimate was then verifed by DIT analysts.

As things stand, the only other way of getting a sense of how much more procurement volume is susceptible of trade liberalisation and in which sectors is by looking into the documents published to ‘sell’ the conclusion of the FTA. In the specific case of the UK-AUS FTA, this other DIT document on ‘UK-Australia Free Trade Agreement: Benefits for the UK’ is illustrative. However, there are a couple of points to note about the way the ‘trade gains’ are presented.

One point is that these documents would be more useful (and credible) if they made it very clear that most of the additional opening in procurement is either reciprocal (in strict terms) or based on mutual concessions. For the agreement to be balanced, both parties need to see a similar volume of benefits and, while it is possible to compensate for net gains in one chapter (eg procurement) against another (eg financial or digital services), it would seem odd if one of the parties was clearly massively better off than the other in any given chapter, or at least in the procurement chapter, given that FTA concessions build on already existing GPA concessions and a very unbalanced FTA chapter on procurement could put pressure on the relevant party to review its GPA schedules more generally).

This is important eg in the context of the inclusion of public works concession contracts under the UK-AUS FTA because the DIT document makes significant emphasis on the opportunities for UK companies to bid for opportunities in Australia, especially in the rail sector, but this perhaps is slightly dampened by the fact that this opening up is reciprocal, as well as by the fact that some of the largest operators of rail franchises in the UK already are not ‘British’ (see eg here), which raises some questions on the extent to which there are direct advantages to UK companies commensurate to the economic claims in the impact assessment or the more accessible document on benefits for the UK.

The other point is that these documents need to be precise as to the incremental opening of procurement specifically brought by the FTA. In the second DIT document, there is eg a rather broad claim that 'UK companies will have a legally guaranteed right to bid for all contracts for financial and business services procured by Australian government bodies covered by this deal. For example, UK businesses will now have a right to bid for financial and business service contracts procured by the Australian Financial Security Authority and other federal and state-level finance departments. This will help UK businesses compete on an equal footing with Australian companies’ (emphasis added).

This is, well ... at least imprecise. The Australian Financial Security Authority (AFSA) is already covered in the GPA (AUS Annex 3), so its procurement of services is already covered (AUS Annex 5, and thanks to reciprocity of coverage of financial and related services in the UK's own Annex 5), as long as the value threshold of SDR 400,000 is crossed. What the UK-AUS FTA does is changing AFSA's classification as a Section A entity (equivalent to AUS Annex 1 in the GPA) and this reduces the value threshold for services to SDR 130,000. So, while there is clearly an incremental change, it is also clear that UK businesses already had a right to bid for AFSA contracts for financial services (just not the right to bid for those between SDR 400k and 130k). In my view, avoiding potentially misleading simplifications of the complex and incremental ways in which a GPA+ FTA extends procurement liberalisation would be desirable.

Conclusion

Until now, I had never really looked in detail at GPA+ procurement chapters in FTAs, but it does seem like there is plenty to reflect upon and perhaps even a research project hidden somewhere. If anyone has any useful suggestions, or if anyone can point me to existing research on this topic that I may have overlooked, I would be most grateful: a.sanchez-graells@bristol.ac.uk.

Appendix: The procurement chapter in the UK-AUS FTA in detail

Comparing the text of the procurement chapter in the UK-AUS FTA with the GPA, I have identified the differences below (I may have overlooked some, but hopefully not):

Art 16.1 Definitions - two seemingly technical differences:

  • it includes a definition of ‘build-operate-transfer contract’ / ‘public works concession contract’ to reflect the expanded coverage (below, 16.2).

  • it also includes a modification in the definition of ‘technical specifications’ as applicable to ‘services’, which adds ‘applicable administrative provisions’ as part of the definition.

Art 16.2 Scope

Scope of application reflects an extension of scope (GPA+), including:

  • there is no exclusion of procurement ‘with a view to commercial sale or resale, or for use in the production or supply of goods or services for commercial sale or resale’ (cfr Art II(2)(a)(ii) GPA).

  • coverage is extended to include procurement by means of ‘build-operate-transfer contracts and public works concessions contracts’, which brings concessions (especially in transport) under the scope of the FTA.

Given the bilateral nature of the FTA, the Schedules are required to regulate issues included in the core text of the GPA (a threshold adjustment formula and information on the procurement system).

Excludes the rule on delegated procurement in Art II(5) GPA.

A new section on Compliance includes:

  • a general ‘good faith’ obligation (16.2(5))

  • a varied non-circumvention clause (16.2(6)) that excludes the intentional element of the GPA equivalent (Art II(6)(a))

  • a clause explicitly allowing both parties and their contracting authorities to develop ‘developing new procurement policies, procedures or contractual means, provided that they are not inconsistent with this Chapter’ (16.2(7)) — which I read as an (unnecessary) hint to the ongoing process of reform of the UK’s procurement rulebook following the Transforming Public Procurement green paper consultation.

The section on Valuation includes

  • a specific addition in the rules on the calculation of contract value to capture any ‘other revenue stream that may be provided for under the contract’, which will be particularly relevant for concessions;

  • a looser regulation of the rule on recurring contracts than in the GPA (cfr Art II(7)); and

  • a streamlined and seemingly stricter approach to the coverage of contracts with unknown total value (cfr Art II(8) GPA), which will also be particularly relevant for concessions.

Art 16.3 General exceptions

  • does not include the defence exception in Art III(1) GPA.

  • creates a new clarification seemingly tailored to the climate crisis, whereby it is stressed that the possibility of adopting or maintaining measures ‘necessary to protect human, animal or plant life or health’ ‘includes environmental measures’.

Art 16.4 General principles

In regulating the general principle of National Treatment and Non-Discrimination, the FTA introduces two variations on the GPA:

  • the wording of the national treatment requirement excludes an important element of the GPA’s clause concerning ‘suppliers of any other Party offering the goods or services of any Party’ (Art IV(1) emphasis added). See analysis above.

  • there is a specific clause clarifying that ‘All orders under contracts awarded for covered procurement shall be subject’ to the national treatment and non-discrimination obligations (Art 16.4(3)), which will be particularly relevant in the context of framework agreements and similar procurement vehicles.

The FTA makes the Use of Electronic Means mandatory beyond GPA requirements.

The FTA also seems to strengthen the prohibition of Offsets by stressing that they cannot take place ‘at any stage of a procurement’ (Art 16.4(8)). However, given eg the general notes of the Australian schedule (Section G 1(c) and 1(d)), the practical effectiveness of this remains to be seen.

Art 16.6 Notices

The FTA imposes the Electronic Publication of Notices, also at sub-central level (Art 16.6(1)).

There are some changes concerning the content of the Notice of Intended Procurement:

  • there is no reference to the ‘cost and terms of payment, if any’ related to access to procurement documents, which could suggest that charges are forbidden;

  • there is no reference to an obligation to include ‘a description of any options’ (which would seem like an unwanted omission);

  • there is no obligation to include ‘an indication that the procurement is covered by this Agreement’ (but see above re interplay with that requirement in Art VII(2)(l) GPA);

  • there are no references to the publication of summary notices - which are a language-based specific requirement of the GPA that is probably irrelevant in the context of an FTA between two English-speaking countries;

  • there is no option for the use of a Notice of Planned Procurement as a Notice of Intended Procurement for sub-central and other procuring entities ex Art VII(5) GPA.

Art 16.7 Conditions for participation

Art 16.7(2)(a) extends the prohibition on requirements for local experience, forbidding not only requirements that ‘the supplier has previously been awarded one or more contracts by a procuring entity of a Party’ (as in the GPA), but also requirements that ‘the supplier has prior work experience in the territory of that Party’.

Art 16.8 Qualification of suppliers

There are some precisions concerning Registration Systems and Qualification Procedures, including:

  • an explicit (if unnecessary?) prohibition on using registration systems or qualification procedures to delay or bar consideration of specific suppliers (Art 16.8(3)(b) FTA, cfr Art IX(3) GPA);

  • a new set of rules concerning supplier registration systems (Art 16.8(4));

  • mandatory electronic publication of multi-use lists requiring continuous availability (which makes part of GPA requirements for paper-based or time-limited lists redundant; cfr Art IX(8) and (9));

  • suppression of the requirement for notices of multi-use lists to include ‘an indication that the list may be used for procurement covered by this Agreement’ (cfr Art IX(8)(e); see also above Art 16.6).

There are some implicit changes regarding Information on Procuring Entity Decisions indicating the possibility to delegate the management of procurement procedures (see Art 16.8(14) and (15), referring to ‘a procuring entity or other entity of a Party’).

Art 16.9 Technical Specifications and Tender Documentation

There is a clause that goes beyond the text of the GPA on Technical Specifications, for data governance concerning ‘sensitive government information’ (Art 16.9(7), which can in part mitigate for the omission of the exception in Art III(1) GPA, as above Art 16.3 FTA);

There are some differences on Tender Documentation requirements:

  • small technical change concerning the description of the conditions for participation (Art 16.9(8)(b));

  • omission of the possibility of running procurements where price is the sole award criterion (Art 16.9(8)(c), although this is foreseen in Art 16.14(5)(b), so it looks like an unwanted omission).

There is a new clause on Preliminary Market Research and Engagement (Art 16.9(13).

Article 16.10 Time-Periods

The requirement for time periods and any extensions thereof to apply equally to all interested or participating suppliers is relocated (see Art 16.10(7) cfr Art XI(1) in fine GPA).

Given the obligation to publish notices of intended procurement by electronic means (Art 16.4(4)(a) and 16.6(1)), the possibility to shorten time periods for the submission of tenders on that basis makes little sense (Art 16.10(5)(a)), other than as a hangover rule meant to maintain alignment with the GPA (Art XI(5)(a)).

Art 16.12 Limited Tendering

The FTA modifies the grounds allowing for limited tendering to acquire ‘a prototype or a first good or service that is developed at its request’ (Art XIII(1)(f) GPA) to cover ‘a prototype or a first good or service that is intended for limited trial or that is developed at its request’ (Art 16.12(1)(e) emphasis added), with the remit of such limited trial remaining undefined. The same provision adds clarification that subsequent procurement of such goods or services are fully covered.

16.15 Transparency of Procurement Information

The FTA makes the Publication of Award Information mandatorily electronic (Art 16.15(2)).

The FTA omits the GPA rules on the Collection and Reporting of Statistics (Art XVI(4) and (5) GPA).

Article 16.17 Environmental, Social and Labour Considerations - entirely new.

Article 16.18 Ensuring Integrity in the Procurement Process - entirely new.

Article 16.19 Domestic Review Procedures

The FTA reorders part of the content of Art XVIII GPA, and introduces two relevant changes (analysed above):

  • limitation of the right to be heard: instead of following the GPA clause stating that ‘the participants to the proceedings … shall have the right to be heard prior to a decision of the review body being made on the challenge’ (Art XVIII(6)(b)), the FTA provides instead that ‘a supplier that initiates a complaint shall be provided an opportunity to reply to the procuring entity’s response before the review authority takes a decision on the complaint’ (Art 16.19(6)(b)); and

  • change in the regulation of remedies, including: (1) an omission of the possibility to obtain a suspension of proceedings as an interim measure (Art 16.19(7)(a) FTA cfr Art XVIII(7)(a) GPA); and (2) a relocation of the public interest clause allowing for the overriding adverse consequences of a procurement challenge to be taken into account, so that it not only applies to the possibility of seeking interim relief, but also to corrective action (Art 16.19(7) cfr Art XVIII(7)(a) GPA).

Article 16.20 Modifications and Rectifications to Annex - introduces changes to reflect bilateral nature of FTA.

Article 16.21 Facilitation of Participation by SMEs - entirely new (although practical effect may be doubtful, given that SME preferences are allowed).

Article 16.22 Cooperation - entirely new. interestingly, it includes cooperation on ‘exchanging government procurement statistics and data’ despite the suppression of the requirements concerning collection and reporting of statistics as per the GPA (Art XVI(4) and (5), above).

Third nomination to the 2022 Antitrust Writing Awards -- please vote

Dear HTCaN friends,

If you follow the blog, you will know that I run it out of interest and passion for procurement, competition and digital governance topics. If you follow, you probably share those interests and hopefully find something interesting here every now and then. I am very glad that we can share this space.

However, being an academic subject to quite a few pressures (publish or perish, etc), it is sometimes difficult to justify the effort and time that goes into it—as opposed to, say, ‘writing proper papers’. This is why nominations to the Antitrust Writing Awards for content published in this blog are always a boost for me — and a useful way to show the powers to be that legal blogging has practical value!

It was good to be nominated in 2015 and 2016, and it is now also great to be nominated again for the 2022 awards for the entry on the European Commission’s bid rigging exclusion guidance of March 2021.

Now in their 11th year, the Antitrust Writing Awards are the field’s largest awards for written thought. For this 11th edition, the Editorial Committee received a record-breaking 1,200+ submissions and, for the category for which the blog is nominated (business article on concerted practices), the Committee selected 29 nominees out of 630 submissions.

As a reader, you can vote online for your favourite writings until March 25, 2022. I would sincerely appreciate it if you considered voting for my entry, which you can do following this link.

Thank you, as always, for your continued support for the blog.

All the best,
Albert

Interesting twist on the interpretation of extremely urgent procurement rules -- re [2022] EWHC 46 (TCC)

One of the most awaited court decisions in the PPE procurement litigation saga in the UK was handed down yesterday—see R (Good Law Project and EveryDoctor) v Secretary of State for Health and Social Care [2022] EWHC 46 (TCC). The case concerned, among other things, the interpretation of the authorisation to use a negotiated procedure without prior publication on grounds of extreme urgency, and its limits, under reg.32(2)(c) and 32(4) of the Public Contracts Regulations 2015 (‘PCR2015’), which transpose Art 32(2)(c) of Directive 2014/14/EU verbatim.

The case required an EU law conforming interpretation due to the procurement predating the end of the Brexit transition period (see para [308]). The High Court thus engaged in an analysis of CJEU case law and a functional interpretation of reg.32(2)(c) and 32(4) PCR2015 that is directly of interest regarding the interpretation of Art 32(2)(c) Dir 2014/14/EU (on which see P Bogdanowicz, ‘Article 32’ in R Caranta and A Sanchez-Graells, European Public Procurement. Commentary on Directive 2014/24/EU (Edward Elgar, 2021) 350-362]. There are two points worth highlighting in the Judgment (see also Pedro Telles’ hot take yesterday).

First, the High Court confirmed the ‘blanket approach’ interpretation that the pandemic, in its early stages, was itself sufficient justification to ‘deactivate’ procurement rules through the exception to competitive requirements in reg.32(2)(c) and 32(4) PCR2015 / Art 32(2)(c) Dir 2014/24’EU (paras [329]-[331]). This has been the position of the UK Cabinet Office and the European Commission in their ‘pandemic procurement’ guidelines of March and April 2020, respectively, and one that I share (see A Sanchez-Graells, ‘Procurement in the time of Covid-19’ (2020) 71(1) NILQ 81-87, at 83; see also Bogdanowicz, above, at 32.23, contra Telles, above).

Second, and more interesting, the High Court considered whether the authorisation to carry out a negotiated procedure without prior publication is still subject to some of the requirements of the PCR2015 (and, by analogy, Directive 2014/24/EU). The High Court found that, under certain circumstances, extremely urgent procurement is still bound to respect the equal treatment requirement of reg.18 PCR2015 / Art 18 Dir 2014/24/EU. The High Court’s reasoning was that

It is … necessary to consider whether there are any constraints on the permissible approach by a contracting authority when acting under regulation 32; in particular, whether there is an irreducible minimum standard of objective fairness that applies to such procurements, even in the absence of open competition (at [334], emphasis added).

and that

Regulation 18 provides that contracting authorities shall treat economic operators equally and without discrimination and shall act in a transparent and proportionate manner. Regulation 32 does not expressly disapply the obligations set out in regulation 18. … the question that arises is whether there is any implicit exclusion, or modification, of this provision arising from operation of the negotiated procedure without notice (at [340], emphasis added).

Within this framework, and taking into account the peculiar circumstances of the case — ie the fact that the UK Government ‘operated a high priority lane (“the High Priority Lane”, also referred to as … “the VIP Lane”), whereby suppliers who had been referred by Ministers, [Members of Parliament] and senior officials were afforded more favourable treatment, significantly increasing their prospects of being awarded a contract or contracts’ (at [4]) — the High Court established that

It is reasonably clear that where there is only one economic operator who can provide the works, supplies or services, the principle of equal treatment can have no application. Where there is no alternative source, there will be no comparative exercise carried out and no question of any discrimination arises. However, where the contracting authority considers bids from more than one economic operator, whether at the same or at different times, there is no obvious rationale for disregarding the principle of equal treatment in terms of the criteria used to decide which bidders should be awarded a contract. Dispensing with a competition does not justify arbitrary or unfair selection criteria where more than one economic operator could satisfy the demand (at [341]).

I have two comments here. The first one is that the analysis at para [341] is partially flawed when it initially refers to the existence of a single supply source, as that is covered by the grounds in reg.32(2)(b) PCR2015 / Art 32(2)(b) Dir 2014/24/EU. A proper analysis under ground (c) on extreme urgency should have triggered a different logic, as the presence of extreme urgency allows contracting authorities to simply choose a provider regardless of the existence of alternative providers, precisely because the supply, works or services are so urgent that there is no time to consider alternatives. The choice of the specific supplier to which the contract will be awarded is discretionary, and subject only to documentary requirements primarily concerned with the concurrence of the circumstances justifying the use of the negotiated procedure without prior publication (see Sanchez-Graells, above, 83).

If this premise is correct, on the basis of a maiore ad minus logic, the argument is difficult to extend to a situation where the contracting authority makes repeated choices for the direct award of contracts. That does not mean that unequal treatment is allowed, but rather that the source of the requirement for equal treatment can hardly be found in reg.18 PCR2015 / Art 18 Dir 2014/24/EU in relation to reg.32(2)(c) PCR2015 / Art 32(2)(c) Dir 2014/24/EU because its exclusion is implicit in the authorisation to directly and discretionarily choose the economic operator to be tasked with the extremely urgent supply, service provision or works—regardless of whether there is only one possible source or not, as that is covered in ground (b) of those rules instead.

The High Court dismissed this argument as follows:

The Defendant submits that, as he was not constrained to implement any competitive tender process, it was lawful for the Defendant to elect to approach an economic operator of his choice and negotiate directly with such economic operator for the purposes of awarding any individual public contract. In those circumstances, it is submitted, the principle of equal treatment did not apply. In my judgment that submission goes too far. It would be open to the Defendant to justify the selection of one economic operator but only: (i) where he could bring himself within the conditions set out in regulation 32(2)(b), for example where only one economic operator could source the required PPE; or (ii) where he could justify the extent of such derogation from the principles in regulation 18 under regulation 32(2)(c), for example where only one economic operator could source the PPE within the required timescale. That interpretation is consistent with the guidance issued by the European Commission on 1 April 2020 [at [346]).

I submit that the legal analysis of the High Court in this point is incorrect, simply because there is no single source requirement in reg.32(2)(c) PCR2015 (or in Art 32(2)(c) Dir 2014/24), even if this can be a matter of policy, as reflected in the European Commission’s guidance (at 1 and 2.3). And the absence of a sole source requirement is entirely justified on operational grounds. Imagine a situation where the contracting authority with the extremely urgent need identifies a potential provider and successfully and quickly reaches an agreement to get its urgent need satisfied. It would defy all logic to require the contracting authority to then check whether ‘only [that] undertaking is able to deliver within the technical and time constraints imposed by the extreme urgency‘ (in terms of the Commission’s guidance) and, if not, then engage with additional negotiations with the other/s, which would only generate further delay in getting the extremely urgent (public) need satisfied. Sole source requirements simply make no sense in this setting. In fact, the Commission’s guidance was (contradictorily?) clear that ‘as set out in Art. 32 of Directive 2014/24/EU (the ‘Directive’), public buyers may negotiate directly with potential contractor(s) and there are no publication requirements, no time limits, no minimum number of candidates to be consulted, or other procedural requirements. No procedural steps are regulated at EU level. In practice, this means that authorities can act as quickly as is technically/physically feasible – and the procedure may constitute a de facto direct award only subject to physical/technical constraints related to the actual availability and speed of delivery‘ (emphasis added), with this requirement logically only meaning that the awardee of the contract needs to be able to actually deliver at speed (which was the flaw with eg the ventilator challenge, see here).

Conflating both requirements constitutes an improper interpretation that runs contrary to the CJEU case law on extreme urgency grounds for the use of the negotiated procedure without prior publication. This may seem like a technical point, but I think it is important. It is also a rather unnecessary point for the High Court to have made, as the Judgment does not rest on it. At paras [348] and [350], the Court is clear that the equal treatment requirement emerged from the way in which the discretion was exercised, because the VIP Lane created a procedure that was structurally and unavoidably discriminatory.

Linked to that, my second comment is that the exclusion of reg.18 by reg.32(2)(c) PCR2015 (and EU equivalents) should not have pre-empted the finding of an ‘irreducible minimum standard of objective fairness’ in the organisation of a system to make repeated or multiple direct awards in the context of an extremely urgent need (the VIP Lane). However, such requirements should derive from general administrative law rules or principles and, in particular in the context of procurement covered (and authorised to be carried out via a negotiated procedure without prior publication) by EU law, from the duty of good administration in Article 41 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the EU (‘Charter’) — although, admittedly, the relevance of Art 41 Charter to procurement carried out by the Member States is controversial (in favour, AG Sharpston, Opinion in Varec, C-450/06, EU:C:2007:643, at 43; cfr. AG Bobek, Opinion in HUNGEOD, C‑496/18 and C‑497/18, EU:C:2019:1002, at 50).

And, although I am not an expert in UK public law, I would also have thought that general requirements of administrative decision-making should apply to that effect, such as the requirement for decision-makers to consider all issues which are relevant to a decision and not to consider any issues which are not [for discussion in the context of automated decision-making, and with references to case law, see J Cobbe, ‘Administrative law and the machines of government: judicial review of automated public-sector decision-making’ (2019) 39 Legal Studies 636-655, at 650]. However, the High Court also dismissed this argument, although seemingly on the specific factual circumstances of the case (at [456]-[459]).

So it could be that the stringency of the English case law’s approach to the control of objectivity in administrative decision-making provides an explanation for the, in my view, improper interpretation of the requirements that can be attached to procurement via a negotiated procedure without prior publication on grounds of extreme urgency. Whether the CJEU is likely to follow a similar approach to the imposition of equal treatment requirements in the interpretation of Art 32(2)(c) Dir 2014/24/EU in the future is thus difficult to assess.

What's in a consultation? -- comments on the UK Government's Transforming Public Procurement response

On 6 December 2021, almost a year after launching the public consultation on Transforming Public Procurement in the UK post-Brexit, the Cabinet Office published its long-awaited Government response (the response). This now moves the process of reform of the UK procurement rulebook to the pre-legislative stage, with a Procurement Bill expected to be introduced in Parliament in the relatively near future and changes entering into force not earlier than 2023 — and, in any case, with a planned six months’ notice of “go-live”, once the legislation has been concluded.

The response has been published a few months later than initially expected (due to the high level of interest it attracted, see below) and legislation is likely to be introduced to Parliament with a significant delay as well. The legislative reform process is unlikely to generate practical results much earlier than 2024. This can only be an indication (if any was needed) of the complexity and the difficulty of significantly changing the procurement rulebook, which the consultation and now the response largely gloss over. For comparison, it is worth recalling that the process of reform of the EU procurement rules spanned a period of roughly three years (2011-2014), which the UK’s reform (despite not requiring complex inter-governmental and inter-institutional discussions and negotiations, or does it?) is unlikely to beat by much.

The response is meant to reflect on the 629 (unpublished) submissions to the public consultation and, in itself, the way the analysis of the responses has been carried out deserves some comment. The content of the response, perhaps less so, as it largely leaves the proposals unchanged and is thus liable to the same criticisms the original proposals attracted (in addition to my own comments here, here and here, see eg those of Pedro Telles, or the Local Government Association).

Consultation process: all submissions are equal, or are they?

Shortly after the response was published, it became apparent that the Cabinet Office had dealt with the feedback it received in the same ‘consultation by numbers’ approach that has characterised recent consultations on the reform of other aspects of UK procurement regulation, such as the rules applicable to the commissioning of healthcare services for the English National Health Service (NHS, see comment here) that seek to implement the NHS Long-Term Plan. This is not unique to the UK and, in fact, EU-level consultations on procurement reform broadly followed the same method.

Under this approach, the response provides limited or no engagement with specific submissions or arguments, and simply discloses statistical information on the level of support for each of the different parts of the consultation (as per the government’s own coding of the responses, that is). As the response makes explicit, ‘Throughout this document ‘[clear] majority’ means more than [70%] 50% of respondents, ‘about half’ means 50% ± a few percentage points, ‘some’ means 30-50%, ‘a few’ means 10-30% and ‘a small number’ means less than 10%’ (page 10, fn 1).

This is far from unproblematic, given the diversity of backgrounds and positions of those making submissions to the public consultation. While this was half-jokingly but well encapsulated by Peter Smith on twitter (see image), it is a serious flaw in the approach to public consultations for two reasons. The first and rather obvious is that not all submissions should carry the same weight because the institution or person making the submission and their expertise (own agenda, etc) matter, especially in fields of technical regulation where there is limited scope for canvassing general support for policy direction and the consultation is rather focused on complex legislative changes. While such a ‘referendum-like’ approach to public consultation may suit yes/no policy questions (eg should the UK de-legalise a specific substance?), it can hardly work for more complex proposals. If nothing else, the limited suitability of the approach is implicitly recognised in the response and its frequent indication that a significant number of submissions stressed the need for much more detail on the proposals before passing judgement on them.

The second problem is that such a bunching of responses and presentation of proposals as being supported by the majority can make the relevance of the changes introduced in view of the ‘minority’ opinion of respondents difficult to understand, as well as hide the origin of those changes. This is important from the perspective of accountability in the policy formulation process, but also more prosaically in terms of crediting good ideas and suggestions where credit is due.

Taking Q1 on principles of procurement as an example, the response indicates that ‘a clear majority of respondents (92% of the 477 responses to this question) were in favour of the principles [of public procurement: the public good, value for money, transparency, integrity, fair treatment of suppliers and non-discrimination]’ (at [28]). The rest of the summary of submissions indicates some concerns with the removal of proportionality (20%), and some issues around labelling of the principle of ‘fair treatment’, or how they can be implemented in practice. There is no reference to calls for maintaining the principle of competition, which were quite forcefully made by the Competition and Markets Authority (CMA), or myself if I can say so.

Given that the criticism of an absence of a competition principle is not reflected in the summary of submissions, it is probably difficult to understand (for anyone not having made that point themselves, or having read the very few submissions that are publicly available) why, in the response — seemingly out of the blue — the government indicates that ‘We will introduce an additional objective of promoting the importance of open and fair competition that will draw together a number of different threads in the Green Paper that encourage competitive procurement’ (at [39]). It is also unclear whether this will be narrowly understood as an anti-collusion goal/principle seeking to focus contracting authorities’ attention in the reduction of the risk of illegal bid-rigging cartels, as proposed by the CMA (at [3.3]), or a broader goal/principle in line with my own proposals (at pp 11-12) (or someone else’s).

Of course, it would be difficult and tedious (and probably not very useful) to provide a comprehensive discussion of all submissions received, but the response should be expected to provide much better reasons for changes on the initial proposals, as well as some traceability of the origin of those counter-proposals. In their absence, it is difficult to assess whether the changes are properly justified, or rather reflect some sort of ‘mob rule’ (where a ‘majority’ supported the change) or, conversely, an instance of regulatory capture by a special interest (where a change is untraceable, but likely to have originated from a (super)minority, or perhaps a single or limited number of submissions).

In any case, the response makes it clear that there are limited changes resulting from the public consultation process and that the Procurement Bill will be largely based on the initial consultation proposals. The rest of this post highlights some of the (few) notable changes.

What will change after the consultation?

It would take long to stress what has not changed in the Cabinet Office’s approach to procurement reform after the public consultation, but a couple of unchanged elements of the overall strategy merit some highlight.

The first one is the continuation of the claim that the process will simplify the procurement regulatory framework, while it is clear that this is not a true simplification exercise, but rather one of legislative offloading that will complicate enforcement. This is, in my view, obvious in the response’s proposed next steps, which include the ‘plan to produce a detailed and comprehensive package of published resources (statutory and non-statutory guidance on the key elements of the regulatory framework, templates, model procedures and case studies)’ (at [24]). Post-reform, procurement practitioners will have to fully understand not only the new legislation (primary and secondary), but also the entirety of that ‘comprehensive package’ and the interaction between the different documents. This is not a scenario I would be looking forward to if I hoped for a simpler rulebook post-reform.

The second one is the continued lack of commitment of funding for the training programme (and additional recruitment?) required to deliver the gains expected of the reform. The response continues to indicate that ‘subject to future funding decisions, we intend to roll out a programme of learning and development to meet the varying needs of stakeholders’ (at [24]). This perpetuates the uncertainty on whether the rollout of the new regulatory package will be properly supported and it is difficult to understand why the commitment to fully fund this transformation programme has not yet been made (not even at a political level, unless I missed something). Given the state of UK finances in the foreseeable future, this is a major implementation risk that should have required a different approach.

Moving on to the changes in the original proposals, the following is a non-exhaustive list of the primary changes and some short comments relating to a few of them.

  • The response announces the introduction of a distinction between objectives and principles of procurement, ‘so that the obligations on contracting authorities are clearer’ (at [34]). Further, some ‘other concepts set out in the Green Paper will be established as statutory “objectives”, ensuring that they will influence decision-making in the procurement process. With some limited exceptions these objectives will apply throughout the procurement lifecycle (at [38]).
    Quite how this will provide clarity is anybody’s guess, or at least it escapes me (and it has since 2009, as I already struggled with distinguishing between a goal and a principle of competition in my PhD thesis…).
    It is also not clear which will be the statutory objectives, but it seems that ‘public good’ (framed as maximising ‘public benefit’), ‘value for money’ and ‘integrity’ will be statutory objectives (at [40]). This would leave the principles of transparency, fair treatment of suppliers and non-discrimination as the only procurement principles (stricto sensu) and would, in the end, solely imply a repeal of the principle of proportionality (or, rather, its relabelling as ‘fair treatment’), largely neutralised (confusingly) by an atomisation of proportionality requirements throughout the new regulations (at [42], eg in relation to award criteria at [128]). It is hard to see much of a (substantive) change compared to the current regulation of procurement principles in reg.18 PCR2015. Plus ça change …

  • Introduction of ‘an additional objective of promoting the importance of open and fair competition’ (at [39]). This is a welcome development, but the devil will be in the detail (see above).

  • Revision of the proposal for the creation of a new Procurement Review Unit (PRU) (at [46]), supported by a non-statutory panel of subject-matter experts (at [49], and see also [61-3]), tasked with delivering the same service as the Public Procurement Review Service (at [47]) but with a main focus on ‘on addressing systemic or institutional breaches of the procurement regulations’ (at [48]). Legislation will provide the PRU with new powers (at [52]). PRU will be able to issue mandatory recommendations to address legal compliance (at [53-4]), but not in relation to specific procurement decisions (at [53], ie it will not act as a review body). PRU will also be able to issue statutory guidance if it identifies common patterns of non-compliance (at [56]).

  • The response maintains the goal of creating a single rulebook combining the existing four sets of regulations, but there will be exceptions for utilities (see also [78-85]), defence & security procurement (see also [87-91]), and a completely separate regime for healthcare services commissioning (at [69-72]). There will also be some specific rules concerning concessions (at [86]).
    The extent to which there will be a single rulebook other than in name will depend on the scope and number of such special rules, but I have my doubts that there will be much of a practical change other than (harmless) duplication of (mostly identical) provisions across the existing sets of regulations.

  • The response proposes to abandon the regulation of a new regime of ‘crisis procurement’ and to instead ‘include a limited tendering ground, in the form of a new power for a Minister of the Crown (via statutory instrument) to “declare when action is necessary to protect life” and allow contracting authorities to procure within specific parameters without having to meet all the tests of the current extreme urgency ground’. This would be based on Article III of the WTO Agreement on Government Procurement (GPA) and only be used extremely rarely and subject to parliamentary scrutiny (at [102]).

  • Re-introduction, with some (unspecified) modifications of the light-touch regime for social and special services, including the possibility to exempt from competition those services where service user choice is important (at [118-121]).
    Here, the response seems to fail to recognise that user-choice systems are not covered by the PCR2015 (as interpreted in line with CJEU case law such as Falk Pharma and Tirkkonen).

  • Creation of a new exclusions framework going beyond the more limited original proposals (at [151-8]), including abandoning the proposal to include Deferred Prosecution Agreements (DPAs) as discretionary exclusion grounds (at [161-165]).
    Much detail is still to be published in the draft Procurement Bill and secondary legislation, guidance, etc, but the retention of the distinction between mandatory and discretionary exclusion grounds, as well as the classification of some of them (eg ‘risk to national security’ being a discretionary ground) raise quite a few questions. If a complete overhaul of the system is planned, would it not be better to have a single category of exclusion grounds and a clear set of requirements for their disapplication (eg due to self-cleaning, or in the public interest)? Here, it seems that UK policymakers have been unable to break away of the EU legislative design, even in an area where there are clear practical problems in the EU Directives.

  • The response proposes to retain the creation of a DPS+ mechanism, but relabelling it as Dynamic Market, which will be available not only for common purchases, but for all types of procurement (at 198-203]).

  • The response proposes some limited changes to the transparency requirements included in the original consultation (at [220-8]), including: not requiring disclosure of tenders submitted in a procurement (at [221], a good development); introducing a value threshold of £2 million for the requirement to publish redacted contract documents (at [222], which however means that large parts of eg services procurement could remain below the threshold. Should transparency thresholds relative to coverage thresholds be considered instead?); introducing a restricted disclosure of evaluation documents implying ‘sharing with all participants certain redacted evaluation documents (on the winning bid only) and sending the unsuccessful bidders their own documents privately’ (at [223], also a welcome development, but one that makes the changes regarding debriefing letters rather unclear, see [263-6]); and changes to some of the proposed transparency notices, in particular concerning beneficial ownership (at [224]).

  • The response abandons the process of independent contracting authority review proposed in addition to the review system (at [241-2]).

  • The proposal abandons the possibility of using an existing tribunal to deal with low value claims and issues relating to ongoing competitions (at 246-7]).
    This is perhaps one of the most regrettable changes in the response, as the creation of a review tribunal (not in the terms of the original proposal, but still) is very much needed, especially in a context of more regulatory complexity and increased discretion.

  • Significant changes in remedies, including abandoning specific proposals on pre-contractual remedies (at [249}), and abandoning the cap on the level of damages available to aggrieved bidders (at [254-5]), as well as the proposal to cap profits on contract extensions where the incumbent supplier challenges a new contract award (at [294-5]). However, the proposed new test concerning lifting of automatic suspensions remains on the table (at [251-2]).

  • Increased scope for the (de)regulation of contract modifications, including specific rules for the modification of complex contracts (at [281]), flexibility for uncapped modifications in utilities contracts (at [282]), and minimisation of constraints in the modification of defence & security contracts (at 283]).

Final thoughts

In my view, the outcome of the consultation is mostly unsatisfactory in its limited effect on the initial proposals (other than some very high level issues regarding the principles of the system), its introduction of further sources of complexity through an increased number of exceptions (eg for utilities and defence), but also for social and special services, and its abandonment of the few procedural and remedy-related innovations (ie the creation of a new tribunal) that could have made a practical difference.

Linked to the criticism of the way in which the consultation was carried out (above), it seems like a significant number of these changes could be the result of regulatory capture by specific groups (utilities, MOD, third sector providers of care services) and the reasons for abandoning proposed changes are not always very clear.

All in all, however, the post-consultation Transforming Public Procurement agenda remains largely intact and, as above, liable of the same criticism already raised in relation to the original proposals. Not much more can be said until a Procurement Bill is made public and, then, it will be interesting to see to which extent it can survive the legislative process without suffering a Frankenstein-like deformation in the hands of special interest groups and other agents with specific agendas. The seeming ease with which some interest-specific changes have cropped up after the consultation does not, in my view, bode well for the new UK procurement rulebook.

Essay competition 'If I could change one thing in public procurement regulation' -- results

The essay competition ‘If I could change one thing in public procurement regulation, I would …’ may have come at the wrong time, or perhaps the topic was more difficult than it first seemed … or perhaps the prize was not as much of an incentive as I thought. There were not very many submissions. In fact, the standard track for practitioners and academics ended up deserted. Conversely, the student track attracted some interesting thoughts and I am delighted to publish today the winning essay by Džeina Gaile.*

The essay reflects the complexity of practically implementing principles-based approaches to procurement regulation, as well as the not smaller difficulties in providing statutory rules or detailed guidance to flesh out those principles. The balance between generality and actionability of procurement rules is a constant challenge for regulators, and one at the forefront of the UK’s reform of its procurement rulebook, which moved on to the next stage after the Government’s response to the Green Paper consultation in December 2021 (on which I hope to comment before too long). So hopefully you will agree that the essay is timely and interesting. Happy reading.

If I could change one thing in public procurement regulation, I would …

…provide the contracting authorities with a more detailed regulation on how the principle of equal treatment of tenderers should be applied in case of tender deficiencies and errors.

The public procurement process involves many stages and one of them is the tender evaluation. As in every process driven by human action, errors can be found in the documents made by both the contracting authorities and tenderers. The regulation of Article 56(3) of the Directive 2014/24/EU aims to help the contracting authorities to deal with errors that are found in the information submitted by the economic operators, allowing for additional regulation by the Member States. However, the Directive’s regulation is quite general, and many aspects remain unclear.

Of course, tender clarification could be regarded as a purely practical problem that is not important enough to be dealt with in the procurement legal regulation.

However, one should not forget that as a result of the clarification the tender is either rejected or clarified (and the tenderer may further win the procurement). This decision has a direct effect on the results of the procurement. From this point of view, it should be clear that the result of a more or less strict approach regarding clarification of tenders impacts the whole procurement system.

There is also a line of the case-law of the Court of Justice of the European Union on the issue, showing that it can be complex - ‘Storebaelt’ (C-243/89), ‘Slovensko’ (C-599/10), ‘Manova’ (C-336/12), ‘Esaprojekt’ (C-387/14), ‘Klaipėdos regiono atliekų tvarkymo centras’ (C‑927/19) and others. Since “the scope of the contracting authority’s power to allow the successful tenderer subsequently to supplement or clarify its initial tender depends on compliance with the provisions of Article 56(3) of Directive 2014/24, having regard, in particular, to the requirements of the principle of equal treatment” (C‑927/19, para 94), and equal treatment is a general principle of law, there should not be many differences in its application in case of different contracting authorities or EU Member States.

Nevertheless, if there are no specific guidelines on how to proceed with the errors, it is almost impossible to ensure that in practice these situations are dealt with similarly. Many factors are contributing to such differences.

For example, each procurement procedure contains different regulations and consequently each tender contains a lot of information on many aspects. And errors can be found almost anywhere, from how the information is stored in the electronic purchasing system to what type of product will be delivered and what is the name and qualification of the proposed expert. The contracting authority must consider, for example, whether the procurement requirements were clear, what type of information is missing, what is the “essence of the tender”, does the contracting authority has discretion or duty to ask for additional information, what shall be done with the answer, etc.

Additionally, every day many procurement procedures are organized by procurement experts and other persons, each having a different experience and qualification. For example, in Latvia at the beginning of the year 2021 there were 1,621 registered users of the procurement publication system, and 3,677 open procedures in the “classic procurement sector” were organized in the first nine months of the year 2021 (data from webpage of the Procurement Monitoring Bureau of Latvia). Presuming that in each of those open procedures at least one tender contained an error that would require an evaluation of the case-law for at least one hour to understand whether it is allowed to clarify this error, there were 3,677 hours or 459 working days spent trying to solve an issue that is quite vaguely regulated in the procurement directives.

And, even after years of studies and work as a procurement practitioner, the author herself cannot with a high level of confidence say that she would always be able to conclude whether it is allowed to correct the specific error. Although one could argue that there is an easy, comprehensive, and understandable system of criteria to apply, based on the case-law of the Court of Justice of the European Union, just not fully discovered by the author, the procurement process is performed by many thousand people in the whole EU. It would be quite optimistic to say that all persons dealing with these situations are able or qualified to perform a legal analysis to conclude how the principle of equal treatment should be applied in each specific situation. And it also impacts the effectiveness of the procedures, if each found error requires an in-depth legal analysis.

Overall, this leads to a conclusion that there could be an important, common, and challenging aspect of a procurement process that has a significant effect on its results. However, many persons that must solve this issue on an everyday basis are not always equipped with the needed guidance on how to solve it and just try to do their best with different results. Therefore, additional regulation on this aspect maybe could improve the situation.

Džeina Gaile

My name is Džeina Gaile and I am a doctoral student at the University of Latvia. My research focuses on clarification of a submitted tender, but I am interested in many aspects of public procurement. Therefore, I am supplementing my knowledge as often as I can and have a Master of Laws in Public Procurement Law and Policy with Distinction from the University of Nottingham. I also have been practicing procurement and am working as a lawyer for a contracting authority. In a few words, a bit of a “procurement geek”. In my free time, I enjoy walks with my dog, concerts, and social dancing.