How to do 'doughnut procurement'? -- Re Raworth (2018)

(C) K Raworth.

(C) K Raworth.

Probably quite late — and thanks only to the recommendation of Prof Steve Schooner — I have now read Kate Raworth, Doughnut Economics : Seven Ways to Think Like a 21st-Century Economist (Cornerstone 2018).

It is a fascinating book that makes a compelling case for a paradigm shift in the ways in which we approach Economics — and in particular consumption economics and economic growth — so that we can (quickly, urgently) move from unsustainable and unequitable economic structures and dynamics towards sustainable and fair ones. This is represented by the doughnut (and you must read the book to understand it but, once you do, it provides a very helpful mind map).

In short, in my reading, the book makes a compelling case for a quick acceleration towards sustainability and redistribution and, in developed countries, for degrowth.

I have been left wondering how to to do ‘doughnut procurement’, as it is challenging to apply the model to specific areas of economic activity (see eg this brief approach to ‘doughnut procurement’ in Amsterdam, with contributions from Raworth herself). But there are two or three ideas I would be interested in discussing:

  1. What is the role of data and metrics in establishing both the ecological ceiling and the social foundation for ‘doughnut procurement’ and how to address their trade-offs — in the end, this is the perpetual clash between the tensions derived from scarcity (public budgets are not infinite and the needs of the society procurement is meant to satisfy tend to exceed them) and quality (in terms of the social and environmental ‘externalities’ of what is procured), except the book makes it clear that there is no such clash because both are dimensions of scarcity and, as such, the trade-offs need to be understood from a different perspective. I really wonder how to operationalise this in the context of award criteria in particular, as that seems to be where it all boils down to. Is MEAT capable of capturing this?

  2. What time horizon must public buyers be mandated to report about? So far, there is limited accountability of the way public funds are spent and, in many ways, the reporting system is extremely short-termed: hardly any information is generated or published beyond award and, certainly, not much if at all beyond completion of public contracts even if a significant volume of ecological and social impacts are only ‘visible’ many years down the line (eg at disposal of acquired equipment).

  3. Linked to that, what obligations need to be imposed on public buyers concerning the ownership (whether direct or imputed) of the assets (and the Xaas they can substitute them for) they procure, so that they engage in an adequate level of reassignment, refurbishment, recycling and minimisation of the waste resulting from procurements?

I never thought much about it, but it seems to me that public buyers have been (where at all) more concerned with trying to engage with ‘doughnut providers’ than in trying to become ‘doughnut buyers’, and I wonder if they really are in a much better position than you or me to make ‘doughnut choices’ in the absence of a legislative framework that eg completely prohibits the purchase of specific products (or specific packaging; single use plastics anyone?), and in the absence of adequate economic incentives/subsidies that make it possible for everyone to exercise ‘doughnut discretion’.

Could it be that by centering (or framing) the need to quickly boost (in exponential terms) the uptake of green and social procurement in the public, academic and political discourse around the exercise of discretion, we are falling into the same trap of soft law and self-regulation that has pervaded the corporate social responsibility movement? Is there really much justification for ‘procurement only’ legal requirements (eg environmental), rather than a more aggressive regulation of the entire economy to the extent that it affects the environment? How do we get procurement (geared towards buying, buying, buying) to degrow??

Well, I seem to have digressed quite a bit. But I hope there is some kernel of a fruitful discussion in the above. As ever, comments and challenges most welcome: a.sanchez-graells@bristol.ac.uk.

Emerging technologies and anti-corruption efforts -- re Adam and Fazekas (2021)

(c) Sara Alaica/Flickr.

(c) Sara Alaica/Flickr.

I am working on a paper on digital technologies and corruption in procurement (or rather, trying to work on it in the midst of a challenging start of term). While researching this topic, I have come across this very interesting paper: Isabelle Adam and Mihály Fazekas, ‘Are emerging technologies helping win the fight against corruption? A review of the state of evidence’ (2021) Information Economics and Policy, available on pre-print here.

In their paper, Adam & Fazekas carry out a systematic review ‘of the academic and policy literature on the six most commonly discussed types of ICT-based anti-corruption interventions: (i) Digi- tal public services and e-government, (ii) Crowdsourcing platforms, (iii) Whistleblowing tools, (iv) Transparency portals and big data, (v) DLT and blockchain, and (vi) AI’ (at 2).

The analysis is clear and accessible and offers good insights on the positive and negative impacts that digital technologies can have for anti-corruption efforts, given that technology ‘is not per se a panacea against corruption, and it can also play into the hands of corrupt officials’ (ibid). The paper is well worth reading in full.

One of their insights I found particularly valuable is that ‘ICTs for anti-corruption operate against the background of given societal divides and power relations which are often supported by corruption. They risk further entrenching these unless their design and implementation take into account corruption and associated power imbalances. Hence, it is arguable that the success of ICT interventions against corruption hinges on their suitability for local contexts and needs, cultural backgrounds and technological experience‘ (at 1).

This directly links with Uta Kohl’s view that digital ‘technologies, whether the internet or blockchain, are tightly and on multiple levels interconnected with existing social orders and those interconnections decide upon the configurational latencies of the technological innovation within concrete settings: who uses the technological innovation in what configuration, for what purposes and against whom’ (see here for details).

To my mind, all of this stresses the need to operationalise a gatekeeping function tasked with the analysis of which digital technologies are adopted by the public sector and for what purpose, and this gatekeeping function needs not only consider downstream ethical implications in terms of impacts on citizens and service users, but also upstream implications concerning the way in which technologies will disrupt, support or entrench existing governance dynamics — and in particular those that the adoption of the technology is seeking to remedy.

Bringing this to procurement, these insights show that the public procurement function — to the extent that the adoption of these technologies is subjected to the regulatory framework of innovation procurement — is de facto playing (or failing to play) such gatekeeping function. More than in other settings, the procurement function needs to closely scrutinise the ‘use case’ of the digital technologies it is tasked with procuring. This is arguably a new regulatory function for procurement, and one that is not yet embedded in procurement theory, regulation or practice. But one that is inescapable nonetheless. So one that is worth thinking about.

The institutional framework of the UK/EU Trade and Cooperation agreement — Public Procurement

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The UK Parliament’s European Scrutiny Committee is conducting an inquiry into the ‘The institutional framework of the UK/EU Trade and Cooperation agreement’, which will remain open until 24 September 2021. In July, I submitted the written evidence below, which has now been published by the Committee. As always, comments or feedback most welcome (a.sanchez-graells@bristol.ac.uk).

I look forward to further outputs of this inquiry, as the functioning and effectiveness of the governance mechanisms (rushedly) created in the EU-UK TCA will take some time to fully understand.

Written Evidence to the House of Commons European Scrutiny Committee on “The institutional framework of the UK/EU Trade and Cooperation agreement”

Submitted 20 July 2021
By Professor Albert Sanchez-Graells
Professor of Economic Law
Co-Director, Centre for Global Law and Innovation
University of Bristol Law School
a.sanchez-graells@bristol.ac.uk

Submission

This document addresses some of the questions formulated by the House of Commons European Scrutiny Committee in its inquiry on “The institutional framework of the UK/EU Trade and Cooperation agreement” and, in particular:

  • What are the most important powers of the Trade and Cooperation Agreement (TCA) Partnership Council and the different Specialised Committees and what could the practical impact of the exercise of these powers be?

  • "What are the key features of the dispute resolution procedures provided for in the TCA and what are the likely legal and policy implications of these for the UK? How closely do they follow precedent in other trade agreements and do they raise any concerns with respect to the UK’s regulatory autonomy?

  • How could the UK/EU TCA institutions be utilised by the UK and EU to raise and, where possible, address, concerns about legal and policy developments on the other side which are of importance to them respectively (e.g. for the UK, changes in EU regulation in key areas like financial services, pharmaceuticals and energy)?

  • What should the Government’s approach to representing the UK in meetings of the TCA’s joint bodies be? Should the Devolved Administrations be involved in discussions that relate to devolved competences?

1. Background

01. This submission focuses on the field of public procurement, which is of primary economic interest to both the UK and the EU. According to a recent report for the European Commission,[1] cross-border procurement from the EU27 represented on average 20% by value of the UK’s total procurement expenditure for the period 2016-2019.[2] In turn, cross-border procurement from the UK represented on average 15% by value of EU27 procurement expenditure for the same period.[3] Most of this cross-border procurement was indirect (17.6% for EU27 in UK, and 9% for UK in EU 27), meaning that tenders were won by companies located in the same country as the contracting authority but controlled by companies in a foreign country[4]—in most common cases, this meant that public contracts were awarded to subsidiaries of large foreign corporate groups, or to SMEs controlled by those groups. Direct cross-border procurement—where contracts are awarded to companies located in a foreign country, which are either independent or controlled by companies in the same or a third foreign country—had a smaller but still relevant economic scale (2.3% for EU27 in UK, and 6% for UK in EU 27).

02. The economic relevance of both types of cross-border procurement is reflected in the bilateral market access commitments resulting from the UK’s accession to (and the EU’s continued membership of) the World Trade Organisation Government Procurement Agreement (WTO GPA),[5] and the additional bilateral market access commitments in the UK-EU Trade and Cooperation Agreement (TCA)[6]—which Annex 25 largely replicates the pre-Brexit reciprocal market access commitments between the UK and EU27,[7] with the only exception of the explicit exclusion of healthcare services. However, given that the pre-Brexit procurement-related import penetration for human health services had an average value close to null percent of public expenditure in both the UK and most EU27 countries,[8] this exclusion is unlikely to have significant practical effects.

03. The TCA contains several relevant provisions to facilitate direct and indirect cross-border trade through the award of public contracts in Title VI of Heading One of Part Two (Arts 276 and ff). Of those provisions, and particularly in view of the UK’s intended reform of domestic procurement rules,[9] the rules more likely to trigger practical implementation issues seem to be: Article 280 on supporting evidence; Article 281 on conditions for participation relating to prior experience; Article 282 on registration systems and qualification procedures; Article 284 on abnormally low prices, in particular as it relates to subsidy control issues;[10] Article 285 on environmental, social and labour considerations;[11] Article 286 on review procedures; and Article 288 on the national treatment of locally established suppliers, which is applicable beyond ‘covered procurement’ (Art 277) and of particular importance to indirect cross-border procurement. The TCA also includes specific rules for the modification and rectification of market access commitments (Arts 289 to 293), which can become highly relevant if new trading patterns emerge during the implementation of the TCA that show a rebalancing of previous trends (see above para 01).

04. Institutionally, in addition to being under the general powers of the Partnership Council (Art 7(3)), public procurement regulation falls within the remit of the Trade Partnership Committee (Art 8(1)(a)), and even more specifically within the remit of the Trade Specialised Committee on Public Procurement (Art 8(1)(h), the ‘TSC on Procurement’), which is specifically tasked with addressing matters covered by Title VI of Heading One of Part Two, under the supervision of the Trade Partnership Committee (Art 8(2)(d)).[12] The TSC on Procurement is meant as the primary forum for the Parties to exchange information, discuss best practices and share implementation experience (Art 8(3)(f)), and has the tasks of monitoring the implementation of the procurement title of the TCA (Art 8(3)(a)) and discussing technical issues arising from TCA implementation (Art 8(3)(e)).

05. It can be expected that any future disputes over the regulation of public procurement will first emerge in the context of the activities of the TSC on Procurement, with potential escalation to the Trade Partnership Committee so that it can exercise its function of exploring the most appropriate way to prevent or solve any difficulty that may arise in relation to the interpretation and application of the TCA (Art 8(2)(e)); further escalation to the Partnership Council in relation to its power to make recommendations to the Parties regarding the implementation and application of the TCA (Art 7(4)(b)); and, ultimately, the possible launch of a formal dispute under Title I of Part Six of the TCA. Therefore, this submission will be primarily concerned with the configuration and likely operation of the TSC on Procurement and will only touch briefly on the more general powers of the Trade Partnership Committee and the Partnership Council. Dispute resolution mechanisms are not considered, except in relation to the potential overlap with those of the WTO Government Procurement Agreement.

2. Powers of the TSC on Procurement and of the Trade Partnership Committee, and practical impact of their exercise

06. The powers of the TSC on Procurement, like those of all other Trade Specialised Committees, are detailed in Article 8(3) TCA. Other than the general powers to monitor the implementation of the TCA, discuss technical issues and provide an information exchange forum mentioned above (para 04), the most important practical power would seem to be that of adopting decisions where the TCA (or a supplementing agreement) so provides (Art 8(3)(d)). However, it should be noted that the TCA does not foresee this possibility and that the TSC on Procurement is only mentioned in the provision that envisages its creation (Art 8(1)(h)). Therefore, the TSC on Procurement is currently devoid of decision-making powers and it can only be seen as a consultative technical forum primarily geared towards information exchange and technical dialogue. This is reflected in eg the way the European Commission presents the role of the TSC on Procurement, which is only envisaged as a feeder mechanism towards discussions at the Trade Partnership Committee, seen as the ‘principal formation for trade matters’.[13] This is also reflected in the current UK Government’s view of the TSC on Procurement.[14] Logically, it should also be the forum for the setting of common approaches to the UK and EU’s cooperation in the international promotion of the mutual liberalisation of public procurement markets (Art 294(1)), and the most suitable forum for the mutual provision of annual statistics on covered procurement (Art 294(2)).

07. It should also be stressed that the TSC on Procurement and the Trade Partnership Committee are not involved in the procedures leading to the modification or rectification of the market access commitments of the UK and the EU under the TCA (Arts 289 to 293). Indeed, these procedures are foreseen as strictly bilateral. While it is possible (and likely) that any discussions and possible consultations launched by one of the Parties in relation to market access commitments are initially hosted in the TSC on Procurement, it is clear that the latter has no decision-making powers. It is also clear that the only power of the Trade Partnership Committee in relation to market access commitments is to formally amend the relevant Sub-section under Section B of Annex 25 once these have been mutually agreed, or as a result of a final decision ending a dispute (Art 293).

08. On the whole, the TCA does not grant any of its bodies with decision-making powers regarding the regulation of public procurement or their mutual market access commitments and, as a consequence, any future changes and any related disputes will remain strictly inter-governmental, with the TSC on Procurement and the Trade Partnership Committee simply serving as a forum for the discussion of the relevant issues and for the exploration of amicable solutions that could prevent the launch of a formal dispute under Title I of Part Six of the TCA.

3. Dual dispute resolution regime

09. In case disputes could not be solved, it should be considered that there is a dual regime applicable in case of the TCA’s procurement obligations that are ‘substantially equivalent’ to those resulting from the WTO GPA. Given that the TCA procurement rules are clearly based on the GPA (GPA+ approach), and that a significant part of the market access commitments directly derive from the UK’s and the EU’s GPA coverage schedules, this can be the case of the majority of potential disputes arising from the implementation of the TCA.

10. In connection to the dual dispute resolution regime, it should be noted that Article XX of the GPA provides that the WTO's Understanding on Rules and Procedures Governing the Settlement of Disputes also applies to disputes under the GPA. Therefore, as foreseen in Article 737 TCA, the party seeking redress would be able to select the forum in which to settle the dispute and, once chosen, it would be barred from initiating procedures under the other international agreement, unless the forum selected first failed to make findings for procedural or jurisdictional reasons. It is difficult to establish which of the two available routes is more likely to be used in case of a dispute under the TCA procurement rules, but it would seem that the TCA-specific dispute resolution mechanism would allow the UK and the EU to have their interests taken into account within the specific context of their bilateral relationship, rather than in the broader context of the multilateral relationships emerging from the WTO GPA. In that regard, this could be the preferable route.

4. How to best utilise these fora to address legal and policy developments

11. Like in most other trade areas, one of the challenges in keeping open trade in procurement markets across the UK and the EU concerns non-tariff barriers. This is clearly recognised in the TCA, for example in relation to documentary requirements applicable to the participation in tenders for public contracts (Art 280),[15] or concerning conditions for participation such as prior experience (Art 281).[16] One of the main risks going forward is that, in seeking to leverage public expenditure to achieve environmental and social goals (but also economic recovery goals, post-pandemic), both the UK and the EU are likely to create both mandatory and discretionary requirements that will increase compliance costs for economic operators seeking to tender for public contracts both in the EU and in the UK, as well as potential (implicit) preferential treatment for domestic suppliers. A clear recent example can be found in the UK’s policy on ‘net zero’ for major government contracts, which seeks to impose ‘as a selection criterion, a requirement for bidding suppliers to provide a Carbon Reduction Plan (using the template at Annex A) confirming the supplier’s commitment to achieving Net Zero by 2050 in the UK, and setting out the environmental management measures that they have in place and which will be in effect and utilised during the performance of the contract’.[17] This could disadvantage tenderers with no specific plans coming from jurisdictions without such a requirement, as well as those with net zero plans with a different time horizon, or with a different geographical concentration, which could nonetheless be in compliance with the requirements applicable in the EU. It is easy to imagine alternative scenarios where the disadvantage could be against UK-based tenderers, or their EU subsidiaries. Therefore, one of the main roles of the TCA fora, and in particular the TSC on Procurement, should be to minimise trade friction resulting from this type of initiatives, ideally by discussion of options and the co-creation of acceptable common solutions ahead of their adoption in law or policy. There is a potential overlap between the work on general standardisation issues, covered by other parts of the TCA, and procurement-specific standardisation. However, given the current trend of leveraging procurement to achieve environmental, social and economic/industrial goals, it is likely that a large number of non-tariff barriers will be procurement-specific.

12. Conversely, another of the challenges in procurement regulation going forward will be tackling challenges that exceed the regulatory capacity and purchasing power of a single State, or which are much more likely to be successful if undertaken as part of an international collaboration. The development of adequate frameworks for the procurement of Artificial Intelligence (AI), and for the deployment of AI in the management of procurement are clear examples, where the UK has positioned itself as a frontrunner.[18] In these fields, seeking regulatory collaboration would be to both the UK and EU’s advantage, as their united approach to procurement regulation should not only encompass market liberalisation (Art 294), but also broader issues.

13. As emerges from the previous two paragraphs, it seems that the best use of the institutional mechanisms created by the TCA is one premised on a proactive approach to maintaining and developing regulatory convergence. This could work well, given the starting point of almost complete alignment of UK and EU procurement regulation and policy,[19] and pre-empt the emergence of disputes resulting from uncoordinated legislative and policy reforms.

14. By contrast, one of the worse possible uses of the TCA institutional framework would be to use it to channel disputes concerning single tender procurement disputes, which would likely unavoidably lead to a quick escalation of highly politicised disputes. Both parties should be able to resist political pressures to bring to these fora issues that must be adjudicated through the domestic review procedures implementing the obligations resulting from Article 286 TCA (and equivalent WTO GPA obligations).

5. UK position and participation of the Devolved Administrations

15. There is a Provisional Public Procurement Common Framework of March 2021 that sets out proposed four-nation ways of working for domestic and international public procurement policy and legislation. It is intended to guide the actions of policy officials of all four nations as they develop policies on public procurement.[20] Notably, there were two sections of the Common Framework that were still under discussion at the time of its publication: one on UK Government engagement with the Devolved Administrations on WTO GPA business; and another one to reflect International Agreements.

16. It seems impractical to have different arrangements for the participation of the Devolved Administrations on WTO GPA and on UK-EU TCA business, in particular given the significant overlap between both sets of regulatory instruments. A common approach should be developed for both situations and included in the final version of the Public Procurement Common Framework. It would seem advisable to have a flexible system whereby the standard procedure is for a single four-nations position to be agreed ahead of the UK’s engagement in discussions with the EU in the context of the TCA institutions, but where it should also be possible for a representative of a Devolved Administration to directly participate in discussions concerning nation-specific matters. This could be the case, for example, where one of the four nations took a different approach to a specific issue and that was queried by the EU.

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Biographical information

Professor Albert Sanchez-Graells is a Professor of Economic Law at the University of Bristol Law School and Co-Director of its Centre for Global Law and Innovation. He is also a former Member of the European Commission Stakeholder Expert Group on Public Procurement (2015-18) and of the Procurement Lawyers’ Association Brexit Working Group (2017), as well as a current Member of the European Procurement Law Group.

Albert is a specialist in European economic law, with a focus on competition law and procurement. His research concentrates on the way the public sector interacts with the market and how it organises the delivery of public services, especially healthcare. He is also interested in general issues of sectorial regulation and, more broadly, in the rules supporting the development and expansion of the European Union's internal market, as well as the EU’s trade relationships with third countries, including the UK.

His influential publications include the leading monograph Public Procurement and the EU Competition Rules, 2nd edn (Bloomsbury-Hart, 2015). He has also co-authored Shaping EU Public Procurement Law: A Critical Analysis of the CJEU Case Law 2015–2017 (Wolters-Kluwer, 2018), edited Smart Public Procurement and Labour Standards. Pushing the Discussion after RegioPost (Hart, 2018), and coedited Reformation or Deformation of the Public Procurement Rules (Edward Elgar, 2016), Transparency in EU Procurements. Disclosure Within Public Procurement and During Contract Execution (Edward Elgar, 2019) and European Public Procurement. Commentary on Directive 2014/24/EU (Edward Elgar, 2021). Most of his working papers are available at http://ssrn.com/author=542893 and his analysis of current legal developments is published in his blog http://www.howtocrackanut.com.

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Notes

[All websites last visited on 20 July 2021.]

[1] Prometeia SpA, BIP Business Integration Partners – Spa, Economics for Policy a knowledge Center of Nova School of Business and Economics Lisboa, Study on the measurement of cross-border penetration in the EU public procurement market. Final report (Mar 2021), available at https://op.europa.eu/s/pmUR.

[2] These figures aggregate direct and indirect procurement as reported in Table 2-5 of the Report (n 1).

[3] These figures aggregate direct and indirect procurement as reported in Tables 2-6 and 2-8 of the Report (n 1).

[4] Report (n 1) 18.

[5] WTO, Revised Agreement on Government Procurement and WTO related legal instruments (2012) available at https://www.wto.org/english/docs_e/legal_e/rev-gpr-94_01_e.pdf.

[6] Trade and Cooperation Agreement between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, of the one part, and the European Union and the European Atomic Energy Community, of the other part, made in Brussels and London, 30 December 2020. Treaty Series No.8 (2021), available at https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/982648/TS_8.2021_UK_EU_EAEC_Trade_and_Cooperation_Agreement.pdf.

[7] In part, this is a result of incorporating the UK’s and EU27’s market access commitments under the WTO GPA; Article 277(1) UK-EU TCA. See A Sanchez-Graells, ‘Public procurement regulation’, in H Kassim, S Ennis and A Jordan (eds), UK Regulation after Brexit (Feb 2021) 23-24, available at https://ukandeu.ac.uk/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/UK-regulation-after-Brexit.pdf.

[8] See Table 1-6 of the Report (n 1).

[9] Cabinet Office, Green Paper Transforming Public Procurement (15 Dec 2020), available at https://www.gov.uk/government/consultations/green-paper-transforming-public-procurement. For analysis, see A Sanchez-Graells, “The UK’s Green Paper on Post-Brexit Public Procurement Reform: Transformation or Overcomplication?” (2021) 16(1) European Procurement & Public Private Partnership Law Review 4-18, pre-print version available at https://ssrn.com/abstract=3787380.

[10] Subsidy control issues are not covered in detail in this written submission, as they are the object of parallel regulation in the UK-EU TCA.

[11] Environmental, social and labour considerations are not covered in detail in this written submission, as they are the object of parallel regulation in the UK-EU TCA.

[12] For a general description of the governance and dispute resolution mechanisms in the TCA, see House of Commons Library (S Fella), The UK-EU Trade and Cooperation Agreement: governance and dispute settlement (19 February 2021) Briefing Paper Num. 9139, available at https://researchbriefings.files.parliament.uk/documents/CBP-9139/CBP-9139.pdf, and idem, ‘Governing the new UK-EU relationship and resolving disputes’ (24 Feb 2021), available at https://commonslibrary.parliament.uk/governing-the-new-uk-eu-relationship-and-resolving-disputes/.

[13] European Commission, Trade Policy, UK fact sheet (undated), available at https://ec.europa.eu/trade/policy/countries-and-regions/countries/united-kingdom/.

[14] See eg answer to written question UIN 25876 of 1 July 2021, available at https://questions-statements.parliament.uk/written-questions/detail/2021-07-01/25876.

[15] ‘Each Party shall ensure that at the time of submission of requests to participate or at the time of submission of tenders, procuring entities do not require suppliers to submit all or part of the supporting evidence that they are not in one of the situations in which a supplier may be excluded and that they fulfil the conditions for participation unless this is necessary to ensure the proper conduct of the procurement.’

[16] ‘Each Party shall ensure that where its procuring entities require a supplier, as a condition for participation in a covered procurement, to demonstrate prior experience they do not require that the supplier has such experience in the territory of that Party.’

[17] Procurement Policy Note 06/21: Taking account of Carbon Reduction Plans in the procurement of major government contracts (15 Jun 2021), available at https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/procurement-policy-note-0621-taking-account-of-carbon-reduction-plans-in-the-procurement-of-major-government-contracts.

[18] Office for Artificial Intelligence, Guidelines for AI procurement (8 Jun 2020), available at https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/guidelines-for-ai-procurement.

[19] Subject to changes derived from the Government’s response to the green paper consultation, above (n 9).

[20] Available at https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/public-procurement-provisional-common-framework.

Re Blockchain and Public Law (Pollicino and De Gregorio eds, Edward Elgar 2021)

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There is an interesting recent release in the area of Govtech: O Pollicino & G De Gregorio (eds), Blockchain and Public Law. Global Challenges in the Era of Decentralisation (Edward Elgar 2021).

It is an edited collection prefaced by a sharp critical account of the blockchain utopia (Kohl), and comprising a broad spectrum of analyses of the potential implications of blockchain on a range of public law areas, including: sovereignty (De Caria), citizenship (Gstrein & Kochenov), democracy (Goossens), authoritarianism (Bell), public administration (Hermstrüwer), freedom of expression (De Gregorio), or privacy (De Hert & Kumar). It also includes sectorial analyses in healthcare (Motsi-Omoijiade & Kharlamov), FinTech (Annunziata), antitrust (Maggiolino & Zoboli) and the broader issue of smart contracts (Sirena & Patti).

The chapters engage with analysis at different levels, from high level doctrinal considerations premised on the feasibility of completely decentralised blockchain implementations, to bottom-up reflections based on the emerging evidence of more limited blockchain implementations and their difficult coordination with existing legal frameworks. The diversity of approaches to the analysis of the public law implications of blockchain technology is in itself very thought-provoking, as it forces the reader to (eventually) take a stance on the likelihood of some of the scenarios considered in the book. There are two chapters that stood out to me.

The first one is Kohl’s ‘Blockchain utopia and its governance shortfalls’ (13-40). In this convincingly argued chapter, Kohl ‘sows seeds of scepticism about blockchain governance and liberation narratives’. Indeed, Kohl dissects the blockchain utopia and raises a number of heavy criticisms of essentialist approaches to the impact of this technology, mainly relying on a legal realist critical approach to the potential functionalities and the contextual constraints on the adoption of new technologies. Some of Kohl’s insights are worth highlighting, reproducing in full, and keeping in mind when thinking about these issues and, more generally, about the potential impact of digital technologies on public governance and law.

… the uptake of blockchain is premised on an assumption of the continued validity and relevance of established legal orders (even if their precise application may often still be uncertain), which is consistent with its transition into legitimacy and its endorsement by those for whom the legal system provides important protection of their proprietary interests. To be sure, new blockchain entrants may challenge existing intermediaries and bottlenecks and, in the course of doing so, disrupt the redistribution of assets and thereby unsettle existing ‘value asymmetries’, but overall the incorporation of blockchain technologies into mainstream society is likely to see it tamed, rather than unleashed. The broader point is that technologies, whether the internet or blockchain, are tightly and on multiple levels interconnected with exiting social orders and those interconnections decide upon the configurational latencies of the technological innovation within concrete settings: who uses the technological innovation in what configuration, for what purposes and against whom. This is not to deny the possibility of socio-technological disruptions to existing orders, but rather to emphasise how dominant political and economic actors will look to new technology for opportunities for maintaining, reinforcing and enhancing the status quo, and some of these ways may produce the very opposite outcomes to those articulated in utopian narratives (24-25, reference omitted and emphasis added).

Although blockchain may guarantee the authenticity and integrity of information as per creation, it cannot comment on the substantive value or quality of that information in its interface with reality. This quality exists on a different ontological level, not susceptible to verification by any distributed ledger. In a subscription contract for an online news service, blockchain applications may facilitate secure payments and even certify the provenance of the news item. Yet, it cannot certify the factual truth of the story or the competent interpretation of facts. However, it is in respect of these quality aspects of information production that important forms of trust are invoked; in the case of news, the trust in another’s construction of reality. This extra layer of trust, on the one hand, calls into question the validity of the distinction between the ‘internet of value’ and the ‘internet of information’ as generated by the blockchain phenomenon. Although blockchain applications can facilitate certain transactional aspects with security, and thereby enable new forms of value exchanges, the ‘internet of value’ is constituted of informational exchanges and there are important quality aspects of information to which blockchain does not speak. These can only be addressed by traditional gatekeepers acting as trusted third parties … (30-31, references omitted).

When decentralisation or disintermediation blockchain narratives argue for the substitution or marginalisation of existing corporations (such as banks or online platforms …) through distributed networks or decentralised organisations, they achieve much less than meets the eye. First, in essence they seek to replace one collective action mechanism for another - on the basis of the preferability of a flatter or distributed decision-making structure within the network or organisation … Essentially, public blockchain networks and organisations are ‘entities’ without a central management. This, however, only addresses the internal side of the organisation (by empowering its members …); the corporation’s cooperative arrangement, however, was also designed to present a unified front to the outside and thereby cushion its members from volatile markets. Assuming that even in a blockchain landscape, there would still be markets for blockchain networks competing with each other …, the decentralised networks or organisations would just become another intermediary, or centre of economic power, and thus recreate some of the very dependencies vis-à-vis users, that utopian accounts seek to redress. In other words, the replacement of a centralised management within an organisation does not touch upon its centralised position within a market: disintermediation within does not affect intermediation outside (35-36, references omitted).

Coupled with transaction costs analysis (which Khol also addresses eg at 40, and on which see here), these three insights put together seem to me to point towards the conclusion that blockchain is structurally incapable of creating an alternative institutional framework that is completely decentralised and, more specifically, that blockchain will not deliver a meaningful disruption of current institutions, even if it is suited to alter some of their processes.

From that perspective, the second chapter I find a must-read is Hermstrüwer’s ‘Blockchain and public administration‘ (105-122), which is a perfect concretization and further elaboration of the above insights. In this chapter, Hermstrüwer convincingly argues that ‘blockchain technology provides a much weaker basis for truly decentralized and legitimacy-preserving public administration than blockchain evangelists tend to claim. The main reason … [being] that [blockchain] is too static and rigid to be aligned with principles of administrative law without further ado’ (106).

Hermstrüwer demostrates this by explicit reference to problems or inconsistencies between blockchain and the foundational characteristics of public administration, such as: centralization; the incompleteness of administrative rules and decisions requiring interpretation; the tensions inherent in the unavoidability of the exercise of discretion in some contexts and the discretion aversion of public servants in other contexts; variability and intertemporal effects concerning the validity of administrative decisions, or the efficiency of public administrative action. The chapter further considers important issues of legitimacy of administrative action, including the security of and accountability for administrative decision-making. The conclusion that ‘Neither blockchain technology nor smart public contracts will be able to supplant centralized administrative agencies and courts … Blockchain technology might facilitate more cost-effective, secure and accurate procedures in the areas of public registration, verification, permissions and cross-agency cooperation … blockchain may remain what it currently is: a useful distributed ledger’ (122) can but be entirely shared.

To my mind, these two chapters and the broader variety of perspectives in the book, make an important contribution to current scholarly debates. Hopefully this research will also be noticed by policymakers presented with opportunities (or pressures) to adopt blockchain technologies.