Pausing the blog until summer of 2021

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Dear How to Crack a a Nut  readers and friends,

I hope you and your loved ones are keeping well and slowly starting to see a path towards a ‘new normal’.

Whether you are in practice, policy-making or academia, I am sure this period is throwing unimaginable challenges at you on a daily basis. It certainly feels like that on this side of the screen. I am sure there will be plenty learning to be had once the dust settles, both on what went wrong and what actually worked out during the pandemic and immediately after—for procurement is certainly lined up to be a key area of economic intervention in the near future.

In academia, the current uncertainty and the challenge of developing a new high-quality online or blended and flexible teaching model will probably absorb most of our energies for quite a while. This will bring opportunities, but also risks burning quite a few of us out if we are not careful. In particular if/while working from home under less than ideal circumstances, including increased caring responsibilities eg due to childcare or home schooling. If you find yourselves in that position, please be kind to yourselves, whatever the institutional pressures and expectations. We can only do our best, but not more than that…

All of this would be enough for me to need to take a break from non-essential work at the best of times. In fact, given very increased teaching and administration demands on my time, I have already had to scale down to bare minimum all my research and, thankfully, been given pretty long extensions on my current two book contracts (massive thanks to Oxford University Press and Bristol University Press).

But, in addition to everything else, we are expecting a second baby in a few weeks—which is both exciting and terrifying in the current context—and will certainly make the months ahead particularly amazing and challenging. Once again, I need to dedicate additional time to my personal life to enjoy this exciting period, and to try to make the transition into having a sibling as smooth as possible for my oldest one (I know… please send any tips).

I will be on paternity leave for a few weeks this summer, and then for the first half of 2021. I do not think I will have the headspace to blog until after going back to work next summer (whether that will be in an office or still in my living room remains to be seen) and, to be honest, pausing the blog has previously given me some peace of mind, as I do not constantly feel like I should be publishing something to keep ‘my audience’ engaged—which is pretty presumptuous of me, anyway, because you all have better things to do than be wondering when the next HTCaN entry will come live and what will it be about…

So, this is my long way of saying that it is again time for me to pause the blog to concentrate on wrapping up a few things before facing the greatest privilege of starting the parenting adventure all over again. Bottles, nappies, sleepless nights, bring ‘em on!

Luckily, this is not a bad time to be pausing the blog at all as, on top of the consolidated and reliable commentary from Dr Pedro Telles and Professor Chris Yukins (who’s been doing a truly remarkable job with his COVID-19 webinars), there are now two recent additions to the public procurement blog/podcast-sphere. If you have not checked them out yet, do not miss Dr Marta Andhov & Dr Willem Janssen four-hand English version of Willem’s Bestek procurement podcast, and keep an eye on Michael Bowsher QC’s hot off the oven blog. I look forward to continue learning from them during my period of self-imposed suspension and, hopefully, to return to an even more crowded procurement blogging and podcasting scene.

I hope to find you here in 2021. In the meantime, I hope you and yours will stay well, and be happy.

All the best,
Albert
20 May 2020

A note on Reg 73 of the Public Contracts Regulations (and by extension Art 73 of the EU Public Procurement Directive) [Guest post* by Dr Aris Christidis]

In this guest post, Dr Aris Christidis follows up on the issue of termination of contracts where the contracting authority has exceeded the limits of permissible contract modifications under Article 72 of Directive 2014/24/EU, focusing in particular on the shortcomings of Art 73 thereof and its transposition in the UK through reg.73 Public Contracts Regulations 2015.

A note on Regulation 73 of the Public Contracts Regulations (and by extension Article 73 of the EU Public Procurement Directive)

In this earlier post about the alleged unlawfulness of the NHSX contract modification, Albert argued that ‘the cause for termination could not be waived because reg.73 is meant as a safeguard against abuses of reg.72 and, thus, is unavoidably triggered the moment the boundaries of reg.72 are exceeded’.

I want to pick up on this point and provide some thoughts on the scope of Regulation 73 and by extension on Article 73 of the EU Public Procurement Directives.

Let me start by examining the position under the EU Directives. The 2014 directives have included a provision (Art 73 of Dir 2014/24/EU and the equivalent of Art 90 of Dir 2014/25/EU and Art 44 of Dir 2014/23/EU) which requires the Member States to empower their contracting authorities, under their national laws with the option of unilaterally terminating a contract during its term at least under the following three situations:

(a) the contract has been subject to a substantial modification, which would have required a new procurement procedure pursuant to Article 72;

(b) the contractor has, at the time of contract award, been in one of the situations referred to in Article 57(1) and should therefore have been excluded from the procurement procedure;

(c) the contract should not have been awarded to the contractor in view of a serious infringement of the obligations under the Treaties and this Directive that has been declared by the Court of Justice of the European Union in a procedure pursuant to Article 258 TFEU.

While such a remedial measure is in the right direction because it allows contracting authorities to correct their violations after a contract comes into effect, it does not address various issues on how this remedy is supposed to operate. These issues are to be determined solely by national laws.

Also, it is not clear why the only option for contracting authorities is to terminate a contract, instead of providing other remedial alternatives such as the shortening of the duration of the contract—similarly with the ineffectiveness remedy.

Surely, even if contracting authorities are under an obligation to terminate a contract, this should not be automatic. Public interest considerations such as the urgency of executing the contract should be carefully considered before any decision to prematurely discharge such a contract is made.

Finally, the EU legislator does not explain convincingly the rationale behind the reason why in the aforementioned violations the contracting authorities should have the right (rather than the obligation – see next section) to terminate an existing contract and why other violations should not necessarily constitute reasons to terminate an existing contract (e.g. finding of conflict of interest or direct awards).

Does Article 73 impose a positive obligation?

Undoubtedly, Article 73 (c) - unlike the other two– has a mandatory effect. This is because it concerns a violation that has been declared under Article 258 TFEU, which Member States must comply with under Article 260 TFEU.

The purpose of this provision seems to be to ensure that a duty of a Member State to terminate a contract is fulfilled as quickly as possible and avoid any possible cumbersome procedural issues that may be imposed under national law.

An issue that requires some consideration is what amounts to a ‘serious infringement’ that may lead to an obligation to terminate a contract (interestingly, the proposal for the 2014 directive (COM (2011) 896) did not refer to the wording ‘serious infringement’ rather it stated: ‘…a Member State has failed to fulfil its obligation under the Treaties…’).

Following the ruling of the CJEU in Waste (C-503/04), which concerned a decision under Article 258 TFEU, a ‘serious infringement’ will constitute any violation that restricts the fundamental freedoms of the internal market, in that case, the fact that an unlawful direct award had the effect of restricting other economic operators from providing the particular service. 

It is submitted that serious breach may constitute any violation that influences the outcome of competition and that termination of an existing contract seems relevant, inter alia, in the following situations: when a tender should have been excluded because of prior involvement of candidates in the submission of bids, when a conflict of interest is found or when a tender should have been rejected because it did not comply with tender conditions.

What seems to be certain is that a ‘serious infringement’ would most probably be regarded by the CJEU as any violation of the other two explicit reasons for termination as provided in the Article at hand - namely, violations with regards to the modification of contracts (see case C-601/10 Commission v Hellenic Republic available in French and Greek) and the entering to a contract with a provider who should have been disqualified from the awarding process.

This argument, in turn, raises the concern on whether the provisions of Article 73 are facultative or in effect contracting authorities are under an obligation to terminate a contract when the prescribed violations take place. In other words, whether EU law raises a positive obligation for contracting authorities.

On the one hand, the wording of this Article is clear: ‘Member States shall ensure that contracting authorities have the possibility… under the conditions determined by the applicable national law, to terminate a public contract during its term…’ (emphasis added).

On the other hand, this wording does not align with the rationale behind the adoption of this measure. According to Recital 112, ‘contracting authorities are sometimes faced with circumstances that require the early termination of public contracts in order to comply with obligations under EU law in the field of public procurement’ (emphasis added).

I lean towards the more formalistic interpretation, that is, there is no positive obligation. In my view, the Directive is not sufficiently clear on this and, as discussed below, the UK has not made termination a requirement but rather an option for the contracting authorities.

The implementation in the UK

Regulation 73 of the Public Contract Regulations 2015 (PCR) has transposed the EU law requirement of empowering contracting authorities to terminate an existing contract. Regulation 73 did not opt to include other violations that could give the right to a contracting authority to terminate an existing contract.

Two things should be noted about this unilateral power. The first is that Regulation 73(1) makes it clear that it is up to the discretion of a contracting authority to terminate a contract or not. It specifically states that ‘…contracting authorities shall ensure that every public contract which they award contains provisions enabling the contracting authority to terminate the contract where…’ (emphasis added; see for example the Model Contract for Services by the Government Legal Department at clause 33). Therefore, contracting authorities can simply refrain from exercising such power even if the relevant violations have taken place.

The second is that Regulation 73(3) clarifies that when provisions for termination are not provided within the terms of the contract, such power shall be an implied term of the contract. In other words, Regulation 73 overrides the absence of express contractual terms by providing a statutory basis for such unilateral power to be exercised.

In my view, Regulation 73 has little practical effect. In principle, it is a very good idea to empower contracting authorities to unilaterally terminate a contract. They are, indeed, in the best position to correct any unlawful acts especially when these are unintentional. Also, the disposal of such power minimises the possibility of litigation by third parties and ensures that any violations are remedied with minimum costs and in the public interest.

However, the way Article 73 was implemented in the UK shows the problematic design of this measure. There is nothing to compel contracting authorities to terminate an existing contract even if, on the face of it, they have violated the relevant rules. To require compliance, you need some form of external enforcement or recommendation. Otherwise, who is to determine whether the prescribed rules have been violated or not and who may induce a contracting authority to terminate a contract?

The only way for the government to be compelled to terminate a contract which is the result of unlawful modification or other serious infringement is if the Commission brought a case before the CJEU under Article 258 TFEU. In the current, COVID-19, and Brexit environment, I very much doubt that this will happen.

What if the government decides to terminate a contract under Regulation 73?

A final issue that perhaps requires some attention, is how are consequential matters between parties treated where the government decides to terminate the contract based on Regulation 73.

The first point to note is that Article 73 Directive 2014/24/EU does not give any indication as to how such consequential matters are to be regulated by the Member States and this is another problematic aspect of the design of this provision at the EU level.

Indeed, if the purpose of this remedial measure is to correct violations by returning a contract to the status quo ante then surely any compensation to the contractor due to early termination should be reasonable and proportionate.

Therefore, any form of redress must in principle be based on restitution, that is, a contractor must not be able to recover anything further that the value of what has been performed and has benefited the contracting authority.

The Commission had indicated that this is a requirement for the ineffectiveness remedy. In particular, Recital 21 of the Remedies Directive states that the objective to be achieved where the Member States lay down the rules which ensure ‘that the rights and obligations of the parties under the contract should cease to be enforced and performed’.

It goes on to say that ‘the consequences concerning the possible recovery of any sums which may have been paid, as well as all other forms of possible restitution, including restitution in value where restitution in kind is not possible, are to be determined by national law’. Similar careful thinking and considerations were not given for Article 73.

In the content of the PCR, Regulation 73(2) provides that consequential matters in case of termination should be regulated by express contractual provisions. Hence, the provisions of a contract itself will stipulate how these matters are to be regulated between parties and not some contract or administrative law principle.

The Model Contract for Services by the Government Legal Department provides some signs as to how the government will treat consequential matters in case of termination pursuant to Regulation 73. For instance, clause 34.5 (b) provides that in case of termination due to a substantial modification any costs from this termination should lie where they fall. This seems to be an appropriate form of compensation.

Some final thoughts

The current crisis has triggered a conversation about the design of the procurement rules all over the world. Perhaps this is also a good time both for the EU and the UK to think harder as to the scope of the exercise of unilateral termination powers by contracting authorities.

This is an excellent remedial tool. It is less costly and more time-efficient than any other form of enforcement when a contract has been concluded unlawfully. However, various issues need to be considered carefully. The following are some suggestions:

  1. Careful consideration of the type of violations that should give rise to termination. Legislators could consider the gravity of the violation and perhaps make a distinction between violations that require termination and violations for which a contracting authority can exercise discretion as to whether to terminate or not.

  2. An independent body with powers to compel contracting authorities to terminate or at least make suggestions to consider termination. In the UK, for instance, such power may be exercised by the Public Procurement Review Service which current remit does not allow the exercise such powers.

  3. Clear indication as to how consequential matters are treated. As argued above, any compensation in case of unilateral termination due to violation of procurement rules should be based on restitution to align with the purpose of this remedy, which is to restore the public contract market in the status quo ante.

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Dr Aris Christidis

Dr Aris Christidis is a Lecturer in Law at Newcastle Law School, which he joined in January 2018. He previously taught at the University of Nottingham, where he completed his PhD in December of 2018 (without corrections). He currently teaches Introduction to Business Law and Contract Law. Aris’ current research lies in public procurement law and the interaction of public with private law in the context of public contracts. His research interests are in comparative law, the law of obligations, public procurement law and in the economic analysis of law.

Guest blogging at HTCAN: If you would like to contribute a blog post for How to Crack a Nut, please feel free to get in touch at a.sanchez-graells@bristol.ac.uk. Your proposals and contributions will be most warmly welcomed!

1 billion problems in using extremely urgent public procurement to evade accountability?

© Guardian design team

© Guardian design team

The Guardian has reported that the UK ‘state bodies have awarded at least 177 contracts worth £1.1bn to commercial firms in response to the Covid-19 pandemic. Of those, 115 contracts – with a total value of just over £1bn – were awarded under the fast-track rules bypassing competitive tenders. They include two contracts worth more than £200m, both awarded by Whitehall departments.’

This has raised concerns, such as those voiced by a spokesperson for Transparency International UK, who said ‘“The alarming number of contracts seemingly awarded without any competition risks setting a dangerous precedent which may harm the public interest and reduce confidence,” he said. “When lucrative deals are awarded with no competitive tender and away from public scrutiny, taxpayer money could easily be wasted on overpriced equipment or substandard services.”

There are two aspects of these concerns. One seems to be the possibility of this ‘deregulated’ procurement constituting a precedent and, implicitly, creating scope for more deregulated procurement once the pandemic is over; while the other aspect relates to the transparency (not) being given to the directly awarded contracts. In my view, while the first aspect is largely unwarranted, the second deserves some serious thought and closer scrutiny. Beyond that, I think the piece highlights a more fundamental issue related to the UK Government’s excessive reliance on consultancy firms to make up for the depleted capacity of its civil service after years of austerity, which is a much more worrying long-term trend. I touch upon these three issues in turn below.

‘Extremely urgent’ procurement as a precedent or a wedge towards more deregulated procurement post-pandemic?

It is clear that the deactivation of public procurement rules to free up public buyers to fulfil the extremely urgent needs arising from the pandemic sits uncomfortably with the standard system of checks and balances usually in place to ensure probity and value for money in the expenditure of public funds. However, the negative governance impacts of deregulated direct procurement are a collateral effect of the need to ensure that the procurement function meets its most basic goal: to make sure the public sector has the material means to discharge its duties in the public interest. It would be unacceptable for procurement rules to get in the way of, in this case, the purchasing of life-saving kit and equipment, as the scale of values implicit in our democratic societies surely ranks higher protecting lives than ensuring probity (where these are incompatible, at least temporarily).

It is also worth stressing that the deactivation of most procurement rules in the face of extreme urgency is not a ‘blank cheque’. This is for clear reasons, embedded in the scape clause of reg.32(2)(c) of the Public Contracts Regulations 2015 (and Art 32(2)(c) of Dir 2014/24/EU, which it transposes). First and foremost, this exemption from standard rules is clearly exceptional and needs to be narrowly construed. It can also only cover procurement that is directly linked to the extremely urgent need, and the scope of the directly awarded contract needs to be proportionate to that need (for very clear interpretive guidance, see the Commission’s COVID-19 procurement notice discussed here).

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There is very limited available public information but, on the basis of The Guardian’s piece, at first sight, there does not seem to be a reason for concern regarding the object of the contracts directly awarded (see side graph), as all of them concern what can legitimately be claimed to constitute extremely urgent supplies to tackle the immediate aftermath of the pandemic and the ensuing lockdown. There is thus no indication that the exemption is used beyond its proper scope—though, of course, an analysis of proportionality would require more information.

There can be more questions on the value of the contracts, given that some of them have rather large total values. However, this should be put into perspective by recognising that, for example the contracts for children meals, food boxes or test materials and test services are bound to include millions of units, which will then yield much smaller prices that can reasonably be expected to be roughly at market prices (bearing also in mind the current distortions to the markets’ ability to effectively act as price setting mechanisms).

Take the example of the children’s meals vouchers, on which the piece says: ‘The largest contract, worth up to £234m, was handed by the Department for Education to a French-owned firm, Edenred, to feed more than a million pupils eligible for free school meals. Edenred has since been accused of “woeful” preparation which caused children to go hungry and humiliated parents.’

The additional linked article provides more details: ‘The contract runs for up to three months, indicating that the Department for Education expected the firm – which has fewer than 150 staff – to distribute the £15-a-week vouchers to the 1.3 million children in England eligible for free school meals.’ It is remarkable that 12 weeks’ worth of £15 vouchers for 1.3 million children amounts exactly to £234 million. This raises additional questions on how does the provider obtain its commercial margin and whether children will be receiving vouchers worth even less than the £15/week—which is an incredibly low value of economic support, certainly not in keeping with the general wealth of the UK.

Of course, much more pricing and commercial margin analysis will be required once more information is available — and this should be undertaken by the National Audit Office at the first possible opportunity — but whether these are lucrative deals remains to be seen and, at any rate, the availability of the extreme urgency procurement exemption will not last long.

A related, but separate issue concerns the effective capability and the level of readiness of the companies directly awarded contracts. Here, the reports of the initial problems encountered by Edenred (website collapse, long waits for the delivery of the vouchers and rejection at the supermarket till) are reminiscent of the issues faced in other contracts, such as Deloitte’s strongly criticised role in the coordination of PPE purchases. Differently from the inability of some of the awardees of contracts for ventilators to deliver, which in my view determined the illegality of the direct awards, the limited capability and lack of readiness of the awardees of some of these other contracts may not be an illegality ground, but is still a very worrying dimension, not only of COVID-19 related procurement. I will come back to that in the final part of this blog.

Breach of the transparency requirements associated to extremely urgent procurement

From a public governance perspective, in my opinion, the way in which the UK Government is failing to meet the transparency requirements associated to extremely urgent procurement is much more worrying than the issue of the total value of the contracts, despite the eye watering headline figure of more than £1 billion.

Despite the fact that some information on these contracts must be publicly available—as ‘The Guardian’s research was based on public databases in the UK and the EU, and aided by information gathered by the research organisation Tussell, which said it had noticed a surge in work awarded without competition in recent weeks’—there are serious concerns about the level of transparency given to these contracts and, more importantly, whether it will be possible to engage in meaningful ex post oversight and effective accountability by looking at the documentation supporting the decisions to award these contracts.

Indeed, The Guardian raises that ‘[t]he contracts reviewed … may only constitute a portion of those awarded without a competitive tender for Covid-19 work. The government is declining to release a full list, despite guidelines which state any contract awarded using emergency powers should be published within 30 days.’

On that point, the piece refers to the Cabinet Office Public Procurement Notice 01/20 (on which see here), which is very clear that contracting authorities ‘should ensure [they] keep proper records of decisions and actions on individual contracts, as this could mitigate against the risk of a successful legal challenge. If [they] make a direct award, [they] should publish a contract award notice (regulation 50) within 30 days of awarding the contract.

This not only applies where ‘new’ direct contracts are awarded, but also where existing contracts are modified to add new services (or supplies) within their scope. This was also explicitly covered in PPN 1/20, which stressed that ‘[c]ontracting authorities should keep a written justification …, including limiting any extension or other modification to what is absolutely necessary to address the unforeseeable circumstance. This justification should demonstrate that [their] decision to extend or modify the particular contract(s) was related to the COVID-19 outbreak with reference to specific facts, eg [their] staff are diverted by procuring urgent requirements to deal with COVID-19 consequences, or [their] staff are off sick so they cannot complete a new procurement exercise. [They] should publish the modification by way of an OJEU notice to say [they] have relied on regulation 72(1)(c).’ The added difficulty here is that there is no set deadline for the publication of this type of notice. However, there are good reasons to require timely publication and it also seems reasonable to expect compliance with a similar timeframe to the 30 days required for new contracts.

The UK Government and all relevant departments are generally and systemically failing to meet these requirements. This is rather clearly the case of, for example, NHSX’s contract modification/s in relation to the UK COVID-19 dashboard (see here), as no contract modification notice has been published in the Tenders Electronic Daily (TED), to the best of my knowledge, at the time of writing. More generally, The Guardian’s piece reports that a spokesperson for the department of health said that 'publication of contract information is being carried out as quickly as possible in line with government transparency guidelines’ (emphasis added).

Despite the seemingly lenient language in PPN 1/20, the fact that these notices are not being published in a timely manner—and within 30 days from award for new contracts—is a breach of the applicable procurement rules and creates legal risks for the UK Government (though, in practical terms, they are likely to be seen as small because the standing and time limits to challenge, and the available remedies are restricted—on which see a forthcoming post in this blog).

In my view, this constitutes a major infringement by the UK Government and the relevant departments by failing to meet the extremely minimum requirements that procurement law imposes in the context of an extremely urgent situation. This is not only worrying in itself, but also as an indication that there may be a risk that the relevant information is not only not being published, but also not being properly documented and subjected to adequate record-keeping.

Just to be clear, there is no discretionality involved in the decision whether to publish the contract award/modification notice and most of its content is also predetermined, although there are complex clauses aimed at protecting commercially sensitive and other confidential information that could be at play. Remarkably, for ‘new’ contracts awarded under the extreme urgency procurement exemption, reg.50 PCR2015 (and Art 50 Dir 2014/24/EU, in relation to Annex V, part D thereof) requires that the contract award notice ‘in the case of negotiated procedure without prior publication, [includes its] justification.’

Relatedly, reg.84 PCR2015 (and Art 84 Dir 2014/24/EU) establishes the obligation to write up and keep an individual procurement report for each direct award, including in particular ‘for negotiated procedures without prior publication, the circumstances referred to in regulation 32 which justify the use of this procedure’ (84(1)(f)), as well as ‘the name of the successful tenderer and the reasons why its tender was selected’ (84(1)(d)) and, not least important, ‘where applicable, conflicts of interests detected and subsequent measures taken’ (84(1)(i)).

These reports, and the associated notices (which will raise public awareness of their existence) will (or, perhaps, ought to) be the basis for effective ex post oversight and effective accountability of the UK Government and its departments. If the current lack of transparency by means of the relevant notices is an indication of a lack of proper documentation and record-keeping, these would be very bad news for any prospects of a meaningful post-crisis public inquiry into the management of these extraordinary amounts of public funds spent through unregulated procurement. And, in my opinion, should lead to an investigation of the reasons for any such lack of documentation under public law (and perhaps, even criminal law) rules, which discussion exceeds this post.

Excessive reliance on consultancy firms, not only under extreme urgency

The final point worth considering is a more fundamental issue related to the UK Government’s excessive reliance on consultancy firms to make up for the depleted capacity of its civil service after years of austerity, which is a much more worrying long-term trend.

The information on the Government’s reaction to COVID-19 that is slowly emerging is starting to paint a picture of rather extreme outsourcing of strategic and fundamental coordination and operational tasks to consultancy firms. There can be several reasons for that but, in my view and on the basis of the longer term trends I have been observing in UK outsourcing practice, there are two that are probably quite determinative of this approach.

First, the UK public sector, including but not only its civil service, has been constantly eroded and reduced to bare bones capacity, which makes it impossible for it to effectively take over such large tasks at short or no notice. This requires the Government to ‘buy capacity’ where available and almost regardless of the true suitability (ie expertise) or level of readiness of that capability, as *some* capability may be better than none. Moreover, the Government is probably buying capacity without even being able to clearly specify what needs to be done, which would put the relevant services contracts on a ‘best effort’ basis, as the engaged consultant would need to both design and implement the necessary solution. In that context, whether the consultant had or not the relevant expertise and capability can be very difficult to assess, not least because most of the outsourced tasks will be unique and not have a clear precedent against which to benchmark the required expertise and experience. In that context, size matters. As also probably does a successful consultant’s ability to package ill-defined goals into politically-digestible soundbites.

Second, and linked to the above, there seems to be very limited ability (or willingness) on the Government’s commercial function to scrutinise and challenge the promises made by outsourcing firms. The problems in the implementation of the outsourced contracts can in part derive from the complexity of the task and the inexistence of previous preparations—which, in fairness, should have been undertaken by the Government (or its pre-appointed contractors), not by those called upon to plug the hole)—but they are also likely to result from the fact that the consultancy firms did not have the necessary expertise or organisation in place and are likely just developing it as they engage in the provision of the services (or, more plainly, winging it). The extent to which this can lead to a satisfactory outcome in the medium to long-term is debatable, as well as who should shoulder the consultants’ learning costs. However, in cases of acute and extremely urgent needs, this is hardly conducive not only to value for money but, more generally, to an acceptable level of stewardship of the public interest.

The lack of sufficient capacity to directly take on strategic coordination and operational tasks, compounded by the limited capacity to scrutinise the promises made by consultancy companies, is a recipe for disaster. And this is a long-term trend that is particularly difficult to revert, as it generates a self-fulfilling prophecy. I do not hold high hopes for change, as previous recent crises (eg Carillion’s demise) have not really led to significant, meaningful change. However, this is something that will require further research and debate post-crisis. Having a proper and comprehensive public inquiry into all this would be an adequate starting point.

Challenges and Opportunities for UK Procurement During and After the Pandemic

On 30 April, I delivered a webinar on “Challenges and Opportunities for UK Procurement During and After the Pandemic” for the LUPC/SUPC Annual Conference. The slides are available via SlideShare and the recording is available via YouTube (below). Feedback most welcome: a.sanchez-graells@bristol.ac.uk.

LUPC/SUPC Conference 2020 30th April - Webinar 1 Challenges and Opportunities for UK Procurement During and After the COVID-19 Crisis Led by: Professor Alber...

Keeping an eye on Brexit while assessing 'COVID-19 pandemic and international trade' -- written evidence

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The UK House of Commons’ International Trade Committee has an open inquiry into ‘The COVID-19 pandemic and international trade’, to which I submitted written evidence (available in HMTL and in PDF). In short, the document stresses that the extremely likely negative impact of the COVID-19 pandemic for UK businesses trading internationally and for the parts of the UK’s public sector that rely on trading with international suppliers and contractors in the medium- and long-term can only be compounded by the uncertainty surrounding the on-going negotiations of a future UK-EU trade relationship. The single most effective intervention at this stage would be for the Department for International Trade to lead on the negotiations with the EU for a two-year extension of the transition period in conformity with Article 132 of the Agreement on the withdrawal of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland from the European Union and the European Atomic Energy Community.

The executive summary of my submission is as follows:

  1. Publicly available UK economic forecasts and surveys are clearly indicating both a very sharp negative economic impact of the COVID-19 crisis during 2020 and longer-term unemployment challenges, as well as a very substantial decline in trade between the UK and third countries.

  2. Most medium- and long-term impacts will be dependent on the severity of the economic crisis to follow the pandemic, both in the UK and abroad. However, there should be little doubt that supply chains will be severely disrupted, at least in the medium-term, and in particular if any relevant trading country needs to enter a second or ulterior period of lockdown.

  3. Given its close trade ties, the UK is particularly exposed to the continuity of its trade with the European Union (EU), which has last been estimated to represent 45% of all UK exports and 53% of all UK imports. The intensity of these trade ties is likely to mean that, given a breakdown of existing supply chains, alternative arrangements available to UK businesses are likely to remain significantly concentrated in the EU and, likewise, UK businesses could take the position of bankrupt or temporarily unavailable suppliers in EU businesses’ supply chains.

  4. Under the current circumstances, the added uncertainty surrounding the on-going negotiations of a future UK-EU trade relationship can only compound the likely negative impact of the COVID-19 pandemic for UK businesses trading internationally and for the UK’s public sector in the medium- and long-term. The uncertainty surrounding the continuity of existing and new supply chain arrangements between the UK and the EU once the transition period ends can have severe chilling effects on UK businesses trading internationally and EU businesses supplying the UK.

  5. Any material change to the trading terms between the UK and the EU is bound to have a very large negative impact for the UK economy. Before Brexit, the UK Government had assessed it at a loss of between 6.7 and 9.3% in GDP level in 15 years compared to staying in the EU. Under the current circumstances, the negative economic impact could be even larger.

  6. The single most effective intervention at this stage would be for the Department for International Trade to lead on the negotiations with the EU for a two-year extension of the transition period under Article 132 of the Agreement on the withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the European Union and the European Atomic Energy Community. Concerns about the UK’s contribution to the EU budget as a result of an extension of the transition period are unwarranted.

  7. Postponing the end of the transition period to 31 December 2022 would create the necessary space not only for the future UK-EU trade relationship to be properly negotiated, but also to avoid adding the pressure of no-deal contingency planning to the already extreme circumstances under which UK businesses trading internationally and the parts of the UK public sector that rely on trading with international suppliers and contractors, are expected to operate post COVID-19.

As mentioned above, my full submission is available in HMTL and in PDF from the Select Committee website.