Should FTAs open and close (or only open) international procurement markets?

I have recently had some interesting discussions on the role of Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) in liberalising procurement-related international trade. The standard analysis is that FTAs serve the purpose of reciprocally opening up procurement markets to the economic operators of the signatory parties, and that the parties negotiate them on the basis of reciprocal concessions so that the market access given by A to economic operators from B roughly equates that given by B to economic operators from A (or is offset by other concessions from B in other chapters of the FTA with an imbalance in A’s favour).

Implicitly, this analysis assumes that A’s and B’s markets are (relatively) closed to third party economic operators, and that they will remain as such. The more interesting question is, though, whether FTAs should also close procurement markets to non-signatory parties in order to (partially) protect the concessions mutually granted, as well as to put pressure for further procurement-related trade liberalisation.

Let’s imagine that A, a party with several existing FTAs with third countries covering procurement, manages to negotiate the first FTA signed by B liberalising the latter’s procurement markets. It could seem that economic operators from A would have preferential access to B’s markets over any other economic operators (other than B’s, of course).

However, it can well be that, in practice, once the protectionist boat has sailed, B decides to entertain tenders coming from economic operators from C, D … Z for, once B’s domestic industries are not protected, B’s public buyers may well want to browse through the entire catalogue offered by the world market—especially if A does not have the most advanced industry for a specific type of good, service or technology (and I have a hunch this may well be a future scenario concerning digital technologies and AI in particular).

A similar issue can well arise where B already has other FTAs covering procurement and this generates a situation where it is difficult or complex for B’s public buyers to assess whether an economic operator from X does or not have guaranteed market access under the existing FTAs, which can well result in B’s public buyers granting access to economic operators from any origin to avoid legal risks resulting from an incorrect analysis of the existing legal commitments (once open for some, de facto open for all).

I am sure there are more situations where the apparent preferential access given by B to A in the notional FTA can be quickly eroded despite assumptions on how international trade liberalisation operates under FTAs. This thus begs the question whether A should include in its FTAs a clause binding B (and itself!) to unequal treatment (ie exclusion) of economic operators not covered by FTAs (either existing or future) or multilateral agreements. In that way, the concessions given by B to A may be more meaningful and long-lasting, or at least put pressure on third countries to participate in bilateral (and multilateral — looking at the WTO GPA) procurement-related liberalisation efforts.

In the EU’s specific case, the adoption of such requirements in its FTAs covering procurement would be aligned with the policy underlying the 2019 guidelines on third country access to procurement markets, the International Procurement Instrument, and the Foreign Subsidies Regulation.

It may be counter-intuitive that instruments of trade liberalisation should seek to close (or rather keep closed) some markets, but I think this is an issue where FTAs could be used more effectively not only to bilaterally liberalise trade, but also to generate further dynamics of trade liberalisation—or at least to avoid the erosion of bilateral commitments in situations of regulatory complexity or market dynamics pushing for ‘off-the-books’ liberalisation through the practical acceptance of tenders coming from anywhere.

This is an issue I would like to explore further after my digital tech procurement book, so I would be more than interested in thoughts and comments!

Wishful legal analysis as a trade strategy? A rebuttal to the Minister for International Trade

In the context of the Parliamentary scrutiny of the procurement chapters of the UK’s Free Trade Agreements with Australia and New Zealand, I submitted several pieces of written evidence, which I then gathered together and reformulated in A Sanchez-Graells, ‘The Growing Thicket of Multi-Layered Procurement Liberalisation between WTO GPA Parties, as Evidenced in Post-Brexit UK’ (2022) 49(3) Legal Issues of Economic Integration 247–268. I was also invited to submit oral evidence to the Public Bills Comittee for the Trade (Australia and New Zealand) Bill.

In my research, I raised some legal issues on the way the UK-AUS and UK-NZ procurement chapters would interact with the World Trade Agreement Government Procurement Agreement (GPA)—to which UK, AUS and NZ are members—and the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP)—to which the UK seeks accession and both AUS and NZ are members. I also raised issues with the rules on remedies in particular, both in relation to UK-AUS and the CPTPP.

I have now become aware of a letter from the Minister for International Trade, where the UK Government simply dismisses my legal analysis in an unconvicing manner. In this post, I try to rebut their position—although their lack of arguments makes this rather difficult—and stress some of the misunderstandings that the letter evidences. The letter seems to me to reflect a worrying strategy of ‘wishful legal analysis’ that does not bode well for post-Brexit UK trade realignment.

Interaction between the GPA, FTAs and the CPTPP

In my analysis and submissions, I stressed how deviations in the UK’s FTAs from the substantive obligations set in the GPA generate legal uncertainty and potential problems in ‘dual regulation’ situations, where one of the contracting parties (eg the UK) would be under the impossibility of complying at the same time with the obligations resulting from the GPA with tenderers from GPA countries and those arising from the FTAs with AUS or NZ with their tenderers—without either breaching GPA obligations or, what is more likely, ignoring the deviation in the FTAs to ensure GPA compliance. It would also generate issues where compliance with the more demanding standards in the FTAs would be automatically propagated to the benefit of economic operators from other jurisdictions. I also raised how the deviations can generate legal uncertainty and make it more difficult for UK tenderers to ascertain their legal position in AUS and NZ. And I also raised how this situation can get further complicated if the UK accesses CPTPP.

My concerns were discussed in Committee and the Minister had the following to say:

The [GPA] and the [CPTPP] are plurilateral agreements between twenty-one and eleven parties respectively, including in each case Australia and New Zealand. As recognised in Committee, the [GPA] in particular establishes a global baseline for international procurement. Nonetheless, neither prevents its members from entering into bilateral free trade agreements to sit alongside the [GPA] and [CPTPP] while at the same time going further in terms of the procurement commitments between members.

These Agreements with Australia and New Zealand do just that, going beyond both the [GPA] and the [CPTPP] baselines. … Although the texts of the Agreements with Australia and New Zealand are sometimes laid out differently to the way they are in the Agreement on Government Procurement, they in no way dilute or reduce the global baseline established by the [GPA]. (emphases added).

There are two points to note, here. The first one is that the fact that the GPA and the CPTPP allow for bilateral agreements between their parties does not clarify how the overlapping treaties would operate, which is exactly what I analysed. Of note, under the 1969 Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties (Art 30), when States conclude successive treaties relating to the same subject matter, the most recent treary prevails, and the provisions of the earlier treaty/ies only apply to the extent that they are not incompatible with those of the later treaty.

This is crucial here, especially as the Minister indicates that the UK-AUS and UK-NZ go beyond not only the GPA, but also the CPTPP. This would mean that entering into CPTPP after UK-AUS and UK-NZ—as the UK is currently in train of doing—could negate some of the aspects that go beyond CPTPP in both those FTAs. Moreover, the simple assertion that the FTAs do not dilute the GPA baseline is unconvincing, as detailed analysis shows that there are significant problems with eg the interpretation of the national treatment under the different treaties.

Secondly, the explanation provided does not resolve the practical problems arising from ‘dual regulation’ that I have identified and leaves the question open as to how the obligations under the FTAs will be interpreted and complied with in triangular situations involving tenderers not from AUS or NZ. Either the UK will apply the more demanding obligations—which will then benefit all GPA parties, not only AUS and NZ—or will stick to the GPA baseline in breach of the FTAs. There is no recognition of this issue in the letter.

The Minister also indicated that:

There was also suggestion in Committee that it would be difficult for suppliers in the United Kingdom to navigate the Agreements with Australia and New Zealand, as well as the [CPTPP] in the future. I would like to reassure the Committee that when bidding for United Kingdom procurements, the only system that British suppliers need to concern themselves with is United Kingdom’s procurement regulations. (emphasis added).

The Minister has either not understood the situation, or is seeking to obscure the analysis here. The concerns about legal uncertainty do not relate to UK businesses tendering for contracts in the UK, but to UK businesses tendering for contracts in AUS or NZ—which are the ones that would be seeking to benefit from the trade liberalisation pursued by those FTAs. Nothing in the Minister’s letter addresses this issue.

Domestic review rights under the Australian procurement chapter

One of the specific deviations from the GPA baseline that I identified in my research concerns the exclusion of access to remedies on grounds of public interest. While the GPA only allows excluding interim measures on such grounds, the AUS-UK FTA and CPTPP seem to allow for public interest to also bar access to remedies such as compensation—and, if this does not limit access to remedies as I submit, at least it does cause legal uncertainty in that respect.

My submission is met with the following response by the Minister [the mentioned annex is reproduced at the end of this post]:

The Committee also considered the evidence raised by Professor Sánchez-Graells regarding domestic review procedures … The Government respectfully disagrees with the analysis presented at that session that a provision in the government procurement chapter of the [UK-AUS FTA] ‘allows for the exclusion of legal remedies completely on the basis of public interest’.

The public interest exclusion only applies to temporary measures put in place to ensure aggrieved suppliers may continue to participate in a procurement.

The Government also respectfully disagrees with the suggestion in the witness evidence that this public interest exclusion is not similarly reflected in the [GPA] or the [UK-NZ FTA]. The Government acknowledges that the specific position of the exclusion differs between these agreements and is closer to the approach adopted in the [CPTPP]. Nonetheless, the Government do not consider this alters the legal effect or gives rise to legal uncertainty. For the benefit of the Committee, the relevant provisions from each of the [FTAs], the [GPA] and the [CPTPP] are set out in an annex to this letter.

The Minister’s explanations are not supported by any arguments. There is no reasoning to explain why the order of the clauses and subclauses in the relevant provisions does not alter their legal interpretation or effects. There is also no justification whatsoever for the opinion that textual differences do not give rise to legal uncertainty. The Government seems to think that it can simply wish the legal issues away.

The table included in the annex to the letter (below) is revealing of the precise issue that raises legal uncertainty and, potentially, a restriction on access to remedies other than interim measures beyond the GPA (and thus, in breach thereof). Why would treaties that seem to replicate the same rules draft them differently? How can any legal interpreter be of the opinion that the positioning of the exception clause does not have an effect on the interpretation of its scope of application? Is the fact that these agreements post-date the GPA and still deviate from it not of legal relevance?

Of course, there are arguments that could be made to counter my analysis. They could eg focus on the use of different (undefined) terms in different sub-clauses (such as ‘measures’ and ‘corrective action’). They could also focus on any preparatory works to the treaties (especially the CPTPP and UK-AUS FTA, which I have not yet been able to locate). They could even be more creative and attempt functional or customary interpretation arguments. But the letter contains no arguments at all.

Conclusion

It is a sad state of affairs where detailed legal analysis—whether correct or not—is dismissed without offering any arguments to the contrary and simply seeking to leverage the ‘authority’ of a Minister or Department. If this is the generalised approach to assessing the legal implications of the trade agreements negotiated (at speed) by the UK post-Brexit, it does not bode well for the legal certainty required to promote international investments and commercial activities.

The reassurances in the letter are void of any weight, in my view. I can only hope that the Committee is not persuaded by the empty explanations contained in the letter either.



New paper on the growing thicket of multi-layered procurement liberalisation between WTO GPA parties

© Tom Burke/Flickr.

I have expanded on the thoughts around the multi-layered regulation of procurement-related trade liberalisation in this new working paper: The growing thicket of multi-layered procurement liberalisation between WTO GPA parties, as evidenced in post-Brexit UK. The abstract is as follows:

The World Trade Organisation Government Procurement Agreement (GPA) has created the most comprehensive plurilateral system for procurement-related trade liberalisation. However, there has been a proliferation of free trade agreements (FTAs) regulating public procurement liberalisation, including between GPA parties, which seek to bypass or go beyond the GPA on a bilateral basis, or with a more limited plurilateral remit. Such FTAs tend to follow a ‘GPA+’ approach to provide incremental trade liberalisation based on the substantive provisions of the GPA. However, there is a trend of substantive deviation between the GPA regulatory baseline and the FTA regulation of crucial issues, such as the national treatment obligation or access to remedies, including in FTAs involving the European Union or, recently, its former Member State, the UK. This creates a situation of potential conflict of treaty norms that has so far received limited attention. This article focuses on the resolution of conflicts between GPA and FTA substantive provisions under the 1969 Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, using the UK’s post-Brexit FTAs as a case study. It argues for a rationalisation of the system by extending the use of incorporation by reference of the GPA in FTAs involving GPA parties.

As always, feedback and any suggestions for improvement before final publication would be most welcome. The paper can be freely downloaded via SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=4054711.

Deviating from the GPA in bilateral or multilateral FTAs -- how good or effective is that regulatory strategy?

Fallen deviation road sign.

One of the issues procurement lawyers may be unlikely to think much about (at least going by my own experience) is the interaction of the several (and growing number of) pieces of international regulation of procurement-related trade liberalisation. And, in particular, the interaction between the World trade Organisation Government Procurement Agreement (GPA) and the procurement chapters in the multilateral and bilateral free trade agreements (FTAs) that have been mushrooming for a while now.

This is an issue I encountered for the first time when looking at the procurement chapter of the UK-Australia FTA (UK-AUS FTA, see here and here), and on which I will be submitting evidence to the International Trade Committee of the House of Lords tomorrow. In case of interest, here are my thoughts on the matter.

**Warning**, tackling this issue requires a bit of a deep dive into the 1969 Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, so this post may be niche (or even more niche than usual). TLDR: despite (intentionally?) deviating from the text of the GPA, FTAs are unlikely to generate practical effects where they vary or reduce GPA-based obligations, except in limited cases where the effects are only for the economic operators of the two jurisdictions signing the FTA, which is both counterintuitive and prone to litigation, especially where GPA- situations concern access to procurement remedies.

What’s the matter?

For an increasing number of jurisdictions, procurement-related trade liberalisation has become a multi-layered regulatory puzzle. Let’s take the example of the EU. The EU is a member of the GPA, as are Singapore and Canada (all of them members of the 2012 version of the GPA since 6 April 2014). The EU has also concluded procurement chapters in FTAs, eg with Canada in 2017 (EU-Canada FTA (CETA), Chapter 19), or Singapore in 2019 (EU-Singapore FTA, Chapter 9). In these chapters, the EU has adopted a GPA+ approach based on reiterating and tweaking the rules of the GPA—as opposed to the approach followed eg with the UK in 2021, where the EU-UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement explicitly incorporates the GPA (Art 277 EU-UK TCA), and then adds some additional rules.

The dual regulation of procurement liberalisation between GPA parties in bilateral FTAs (or in plurilateral agreements) can create legal issues where the rules in the later FTAs deviate from the GPA in a manner that varies or reduces GPA obligations (ie GPA-). This is the case, for example, of seemingly reduced national treatment obligations concerning suppliers of the relevant parties offering goods or services of other GPA parties. The issue is as follows (bear with me).

The GPA imposes national treatment and non-discrimination obligations as the foundation of its regulatory architecture. The GPA national treatment clause reads ‘With respect to any measure regarding covered procurement, each Party, including its procuring entities, shall accord immediately and unconditionally to the goods and services of any other Party and to the suppliers of any other Party offering the goods or services of any Party, treatment no less favourable than the treatment the Party, including its procuring entities, accords to: a) domestic goods, services and suppliers; and b) goods, services and suppliers of any other Party’ (Art IV(1) emphasis added). This creates a two-tier requirement of ‘most favoured treatment’, both between the goods, services and suppliers of two given GPA members (procuring and supplying) and across the goods, services and suppliers of all GPA parties other than the procuring party. The underlined clause leaves the possibility open for differential treatment of suppliers of a GPA party offering goods or services of a non-GPA party but extends the national treatment obligation to suppliers offering goods of services originating anywhere in the ‘GPA club’.

This is in line with the GPA non-discrimination clause, which reads: ‘With respect to any measure regarding covered procurement, a Party, including its procuring entities, shall not: … b) discriminate against a locally established supplier on the basis that the goods or services offered by that supplier for a particular procurement are goods or services of any other Party’ (Art IV(2) emphasis added). Again, the possibility is open for differential treatment of suppliers of a GPA party offering goods or services of a non-GPA party—on the implicit assumption that domestic suppliers offering goods or services of a non-GPA party are subjected to the same differential treatment.

Now, under both CETA and the EU-Singapore FTA, the regulation of these obligations is altered (and seemingly narrowed down).

The position under CETA is that ‘With respect to any measure regarding covered procurement, each Party, including its procuring entities, shall accord immediately and unconditionally to the goods and services of the other Party and to the suppliers of the other Party offering such goods or services, treatment no less favourable than the treatment the Party, including its procuring entities, accords to its own goods, services and suppliers.‘ (Art 19.4(1) CETA, emphasis added). Prima facie, this clashes with the GPA because it reduces the circle of protected goods and services accessing procurement opportunities via suppliers to Canadian and EU goods and services, and to the exclusion of those originating in other GPA jurisdictions. This is not contradicted by the non-discrimination clause, according to which ‘With respect to any measure regarding covered procurement, a Party, including its procuring entities, shall not: … (b) discriminate against a locally established supplier on the basis that the goods or services offered by that supplier for a particular procurement are goods or services of the other Party.’ (Art 19.4(2) CETA, emphasis added). Therefore, as a result of CETA, there is an open question as to whether EU/Canadian suppliers offering non-EU/Canadian (GPA) goods or services are protected from discrimination.

The position under the EU-Singapore FTA is perhaps slightly less straightforwardly in clash with the GPA, and it is that ‘With respect to any measure regarding covered procurement, each Party, including its procuring entities, shall immediately and unconditionally accord to the goods and services of the other Party and to the suppliers of the other Party treatment no less favourable than the treatment the Party, including its procuring entities, accords to domestic goods, services, and suppliers’ (Art 9.4(1) EU-Singapore FTA, emphasis added). This omits the GPA reference to suppliers ‘offering the goods or services of any Party’ (although it does not limit it to the goods and services of the parties, as in CETA) and could seem like a logical tailoring of the obligation to a bilateral situation. However, it generates doubts as to the position of EU and Singaporean suppliers offering non-EU/Singaporean goods or services originating in GPA jurisdictions, which would have had access under the GPA but may not have access under the FTA. A restrictive interpretation limiting access to those suppliers offering EU/Singaporean goods and services could be supported by the parallel modification of the non-discrimination clause relative to the GPA standard, which reads ‘With respect to any measure regarding covered procurement, a Party, including its procuring entities, shall not: … (b) discriminate against a locally established supplier on the basis that the goods or services offered by that supplier for a particular procurement are goods or services of the other Party (Art 9.4(2) EU-Singapore FTA, emphasis added). Therefore, the same issues as in CETA arise, although there is some more wiggle room for legal interpretation in this case.

In both cases, however, it is at first difficult to establish definitely whether suppliers offering goods or services from GPA parties other than the EU and/or Singapore/Canada have indeed lost protection as a result of the newer FTA obligations. Such a modification would have been implemented without consent from the relevant GPA party and, in practice, would be challenged. More importantly, then, both FTAs create at least a risk of breach of GPA obligations for the EU (and Singapore and/or Canada) in relation to the goods or services from other GPA parties now potentially being (indirectly) discriminated against as a result of their being offered by an EU/Singaporean and/or Canadian supplier (in effect, a ‘GPA-’ situation, despite the aim of the FTA to create a GPA+ regime).

Here is where the Law of Treaties kicks in.

The regulation in the 1969 Vienna Convention

1. General regulatory background regarding conflicting treaty norms

Art 30 of the 1969 Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties (VCLT)[1] controls the matter of conflicting treaty norms. Before engaging in an assessment of its conflict rules, it is worth stressing that a conflict between treaty norms will only arise where an interpretation of the later treaty that avoids it is either not possible, or not accepted by the parties.[2] Equally, or in a mutually reinforcing manner, understanding how the conflict norms would operate can have an effect on the interpretation of an obligation under the later treaty that the parties are likely to (voluntarily) adopt. In reality, in cases of potential conflict between treaty norms, there will be a clear interpretive ‘pull’ to try to ensure coherence, or minimise divergence, through interpretation of the later treaty which takes account of the obligations owed to others through the earlier agreement. It is a practical approach which can lessen (but cannot eliminate) the difficulties resulting from treaty clashes. In particular because Art 30 VCLT applies to successive treaties relating to the same subject matter and establishing the subject matter of a treaty can in itself be a disputed issue.[3]

Explicit regulation. In case of conflict between treaty norms other than the Charter of the United Nations (which has precedence; ex Art 30(1) VCLT), Art 30(2) VCLT foresees the possibility of explicit regulation via a conflict clause, in which case: ‘When a treaty specifies that it is subject to, or that it is not to be considered as incompatible with, an earlier or later treaty, the provisions of that other treaty prevail’.

Unregulated conflicts between the same parties. In the absence of an explicit conflict clause, the VCLT establishes residuary rules, distinguishing two situations. First, in the case of successive treaties with identical parties, Art 30(3) VCLT establishes precedence for the later treaty,[4] and ‘the earlier treaty applies only to the extent that its provisions are compatible with those of the later treaty’.

Unregulated conflicts between different parties. The second situation concerns successive treaties with different parties, for example a successive treaty between some but not all the signatories of the previous treaty. In this case, Art 30(4) VCLT establishes two rules, based on a distinction between the effects of the new treaty between its signing parties, and its effects vis-à-vis the other signatories of the previous treaty. Between the parties to both treaties, the rule in Art 30(4)(a) is the same as in Art 30(3) VCLT. That is, the newer treaty takes precedence and ‘the earlier treaty applies only to the extent that its provisions are compatible with those of the later treaty’. Conversely, and due to the relativity of treaty rights (Art 34 VCLT), under Art 30(4)(b) VCLT, ‘as between a State party to both treaties and a State party to only one of the treaties, the treaty to which both States are parties governs their mutual rights and obligations.’ Or, in other words, Art 30(4) VCLT establishes that ‘the newer treaty may be applied by its parties but only by leaving intact the rights of those that are only parties to the earlier treaty’.[5]

Modification of treaties between certain of their parties only. Art 30(5) VCLT clarifies that the two rules in Art 30(4) are subject to Art 41 VCLT concerning agreements to modify multilateral treaties between certain parties only, under the rules of those multilateral treaties. Art 41 VCLT covers two situations: (a) the possibility that such a modification is provided for by the treaty; or (b) the modification in question is not prohibited by the treaty, it does not affect the enjoyment by the other parties of their rights under the treaty or the performance of their obligations, and it does not relate to a provision, derogation from which is incompatible with the effective execution of the object and purpose of the treaty as a whole.

Art 30 VCLT does not provide explicit residual rules concerning ‘triangular situations’, where the same action by one of the parties to both conflicting treaties affects the rights resulting from both treaties at the same time (albeit for different parties), and thus unavoidably breaches one of the treaties[6] due to the 'variable geometry' of treaty-resulting obligations. In that case, the possibility of international responsibility of a State for the breach of one of the treaties arises (Art 30(5) VCLT)–especially in the cases falling under Art 30(4)(b) VCLT.[7]

Given this possibility, as mentioned above, where a State is party to two treaties imposing different obligations for triangular situations, it will have a strong incentive to try to resolve the conflict through interpretation or, to the extent allowed by the respective treaties, it will have a strong incentive to comply with the most demanding treaty in order to avoid incurring in international responsibility. Where avoiding breach of either of the treaties in those ways is not possible, States retain discretion to choose which treaty to breach[8] (under the so-called ‘principle of political decision’[9]) and may have an incentive to breach the treaty that would trigger the least (potential) international responsibility, which may well be the newer treaty with a more limited number of parties.

2. Application to the procurement context

The issue of conflicting treaty norms and their potential effect on the interpretation of the deviating clauses of the later treaty is relevant in the context of public procurement, and in particular in the context of the EU’s example above, in particular given the regulatory overlap and divergence between the GPA and the EU’s FTAs with Canada and Singapore.

Modification of the GPA between certain of its parties only. Given that the EU, Singapore and Canada are GPA parties, one possibility would be to consider their bilateral agreements as a modification of the GPA. In that regard, the GPA includes a specific clause on modifications (Art XXII(11) GPA) that would trigger Art 41 VCLT. However, Art XXII(11) GPA requires acceptance of the intended treaty modification by two thirds of the GPA parties, which makes bilateral modification of the agreement impossible (other than concerning schedules of coverage, which are structurally negotiated on a bilateral basis). Therefore, the relevant analysis is based on Art 30 VCLT.

Explicit conflict clause in the FTAs? It is worth noting that the EU-Singapore does contain a (pseudo)conflict clause regarding the GPA, according to which ‘If the Revised GPA is amended or superseded by another agreement, the Parties shall amend this Chapter by decision in the Committee on Trade in Services, Investment and Government Procurement … as appropriate’ (Art 9.20 EU-Singapore FTA). CETA contains another type of (pseudo)conflict clause in relation to the WTO Agreement and other agreements (Art 1.5 CETA), according to which ‘The Parties affirm their rights and obligations with respect to each other under the WTO Agreement and other agreements to which they are party.’ It is highly unlikely that either of these clauses qualifies as an explicit conflict clause meeting all requirements of Art 30(2) VCLT (above).

An unregulated conflict. Therefore, the potential conflict between the procurement provisions in CETA or the EU-Singapore FTA and the GPA seems to be governed by the rule in Art 30(4)(a) VCLT: ie the FTA prevails in the procurement relationship between the EU and Singapore/Canada, with the GPA provisions applying only to the extent they are compatible with the FTA. In any case and regardless of this interpretation, however, the rule of Art 30(4)(b) stands and, in their relationships with other GPA members, the EU, Canada and Singapore are bound by the GPA, regardless of any conflict with their FTA.

This makes the existence of unregulated ‘triangular situations’ particularly challenging where the FTAs deviate from the GPA in a manner that changes or limits the parties’ obligations towards each other (‘GPA-‘). Given that the extensions of coverage under CETA and under the EU-Singapore FTA are only incremental above the general coverage included in the GPA schedules for each of the parties, most of the procurement opportunities covered by the FTAs will be subject to dual regulation—or, in other words, most procurement covered by the EU’s FTAs will generate ‘triangular situations’.

GPA- situations pose significant legal uncertainty but, for the reasons below, they will likely lack any practical relevance if the EU (Canada and Singapore) want to avoid international responsibility for breach of the GPA.

What is the proper interpretation of the FTAs, then?

As above, a literal interpretation of Art 19.4 CETA would suggest that suppliers of either of the parties are protected under the national treatment regime only when they offer goods or services of the parties. This literal interpretation is clearly much more restrictive than the GPA and can affect the rights of suppliers offering non-EU/Canadian goods or services, as well as the access that should be afforded to those goods and services.

Conversely, a literal interpretation of Art 9.4 EU-Singapore FTA would suggest that suppliers of either of the parties are protected under the national treatment regime, even if they offer goods or services from third parties, whether those are GPA or not (unless domestic suppliers offering goods or services from third parties are also subjected to specific differential treatment—eg exclusion—which would set the benchmark of the national treatment obligation). Such an interpretation would significantly expand the scope of the national treatment under the EU-Singapore FTA compared to the GPA in relation to (non-GPA) third country goods and services, which does not seem to plausibly represent the parties’ intent under the FTA. However, such literal interpretation would follow Art 30(4)(a) VCLT.

In contrast, a systematic interpretation that took account of the fact that Art 9.4(2)(b) EU-Singapore FTA only refers to locally established suppliers offering goods or services of the other party (ie either EU or Singapore), would suggest an implicit requirement in Art 9.4(1) that suppliers are only protected as long as they offer EU or Singaporean goods or services. While this interpretation seems more aligned with the putative intention of the parties under the FTA, it does create problems in case of dual regulation procurement (or triangular situations), as EU and/or Singaporean suppliers offering goods or services of a different GPA origin could seek GPA national treatment of the goods or services themselves, which attempted exclusion (under a ‘GPA-’ approach) would likely breach Art 30(4)(b) VCLT.

To avoid breaching their international obligations under the GPA (Art IV(1)) in relation to the goods or services of other GPA parties offered by EU or Canadian/Singaporean suppliers, the EU, Singapore and Australia must refrain from any discrimination of covered suppliers offering goods or services originating anywhere in the ‘GPA club’. This means that, by virtue of the operation of the rule in Art 30(4)(b) VCLT in relation to the goods or services of the GPA parties protected by Art IV(1)GPA, the interpretation limiting the scope of protection under Art 9.4(1) EU-Singapore FTA cannot have any practical relevance. And, more challenging, it also means that the EU and Canada need to set aside Art 19.4(1) CETA.

Conversely, EU or Singaporean suppliers offering non-GPA goods or services may attempt to push for the maximalist literal interpretation sketched above, based on Art 30(4)(a) VCLT. However, given the explicit constraints in Art 9.4(2)(b) EU-Singapore FTA, this is unlikely to succeed under the broader rules of interpretation in the VCLT.

Conclusion

The (lengthy and technical…) analysis above shows that, given the pervasiveness of triangular situations, despite (intentionally?) deviating from the text of the GPA, FTAs are unlikely to generate practical effects where they vary or reduce GPA-based obligations. However, there is an important exception to this, which concerns cases covered by Art 30(4)(a) VCLT, where the effects are only for the economic operators of the two jurisdictions signing the FTA, which is both counterintuitive and prone to litigation, especially where GPA- situations concern access to procurement remedies (this is further assessed here).

Even if these views are correct and there is no practical effect resulting from the deviation in the text of the FTAs from the GPA standard wording, the mere existence of the legal uncertainty resulting from such deviation is undesirable. It is also difficult to ascertain whether any practical effects intended by the respective negotiating teams/governments deciding on the textual deviations are neutralised by the rules in the VCLT, in which case there may be knock-on effects concerning the balance of reciprocal concessions across the procurement chapter, or even across chapters, of the relevant FTAs. At any rate, in my view, a direct incorporation of the GPA rules and an explicit conflict clause giving the GPA precedence over the relevant FTA would be a preferable regulatory technique from this perspective, and one that has already been used by the UK, eg in the EU-UK TCA.

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[1] https://legal.un.org/ilc/texts/instruments/english/conventions/1_1_1969.pdf.

[2] Indeed, in some cases, they can avoid the ‘conflict’ altogether by agreeing to a GPA-compliant interpretation; see eg A Orakhelashvili, ‘Article 30’ in O Corten and P Klein (eds), The Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties. A Commentary, vol. 1 (OUP 2011) 764, 776 at para 31; see also J Klabbers, ‘Beyond the Vienna Convention: Conflicting Treaty Provisions’ in E Cannizzaro (ed), The Law of Treaties Beyond the Vienna Convention (OUP 2011) 192, 203.

[3] However, as this is not a difficulty concerning the specific field of public procurement, this submission will not address it in any detail. For discussion, see A Orakhelashvili, ‘Article 30 of the 1969 Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties: Application of the Successive Treaties Relating to the Same Subject-Matter’ (2016) 31(2) ICSID Review - Foreign Investment Law Journal 344-365.

[4] Subject to other general principles, such as those resulting from a conflict between lex posterior and lex specialis, see R Kolb, The Law of Treaties. An Introduction (Edward Elgar 2016) 190.

[5] Klabbers, above n 2, 194.

[6] Orakhelashvili, above n 2, 792 at para 75.

[7] International Law Commission, Draft Articles on the Law of Treaties with commentaries (1966) 271, para (11), https://legal.un.org/ilc/texts/instruments/english/commentaries/1_1_1966.pdf. See also K von der Decken, ‘Article 30’ in O Dörr and K Schmalenbach (eds), Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties. A Commentary (Springer 2018) 539, 551.

[8] Kolb, above n 4, 186.

[9] Klabbers, above n 2, 195 and 204-205.

Short comments on the proposed regulation on foreign subsidies distorting the internal market, as it relates to procurement

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The European Commission is currently consulting on its recent Proposal for a Regulation on foreign subsidies distorting the internal market (COM(2021) 223 final, 5 May 2021). The public consultation will be open until 15 July 2021. I have just submitted my views on chapter four of the proposal, which concerns the rules for the analysis of foreign subsidies distorting tenders for contracts with a value above €250 million. The feedback form only allows for 4,000-character submissions, so here are mine. As always, comments welcome: a.sanchez-graells@bristol.ac.uk.

The proposed Regulation on foreign subsidies distorting the internal market (RFSDIT) is both (1) undesirable and (2) problematic, in particular as it concerns the investigation of foreign subsidies linked to public procurement procedures. The following is limited to chapter 4.

1. Primarily, ch 4 RFSDIT is undesirable because it adds a layer of scrutiny and red tape that will affect high-value tenders submitted by tenderers from jurisdictions that have either signed up to the WTO Government Procurement Agreement, or that have a plurilateral or bilateral trade agreement covering procurement with the EU. Tenderers from other jurisdictions can already be excluded on the basis of the current rules (see Art 25 Dir 2014/24; Art 43 Dir 2014/25), as emphasised in the Commission's 2019 guidance on the participation of third-country bidders and goods in the EU procurement market. First, the (inadvertent) targeting of GPA- or FTA-originated tenders is in itself undesirable on trade policy terms and could erode third countries' bilateral relationships with the EU within the GPA framework, as well as under the relevant FTA (or the UK TCA) even if those already include subsidy-related provisions. Second, it is also undesirable due to the technical shortcomings of the proposal, as below, as there could be a basis for claims of unequal treatment concerning the non-scrutiny of EU-originated tenders that are tainted by illegal State aid. Finally, it is also undesirable because the ex ante nature of ch 4 screening can dissuade economic operators from participating in public tenders even if they think that subsidies they have received could overcome the tests in Arts 3-5 RFSDIT. Recipients of foreign subsidies may rather forgo their chances of being awarded a public contract than trigger an investigation they could avoid under the general motu proprio regime. Such loss of international competition is to the EU public buyers' detriment.

2. Ch 4 RFSDIT is also highly problematic because of its incompatibility with the mechanisms in the EU procurement Directives, as well as the inconsistency of approach with the rest of the chapters in the RFSDIT. First, the proposed rules are incompatible with the trigger for an investigation of the distortive effects of State aid granted to an EU-based tenderer, which derives from the prima facie abnormally low character of its tender (ALT) (see Art 69 Dir 2014/24). EU-generated non-ALT bids are not screened for receipt of (illegal) State aid, even if they can be 'winning tenders' in a given procedure. As above, this can trigger claims of discrimination against non-EU generated tenders. Second, procurement case law pre-empts tenderers from offering commitments related to the tender at hand to the Commission's satisfaction without materially altering their tenders. Such changes would be impermissible under EU procurement law. This is an inescapable limit, which is partly but insufficiently acknowledged in Art 30(1) RFSDIT. This means that any tender where the Commission found an unbalanced distortion of the internal market would lead to the inevitable exclusion of the tender. This is at odds with the appearance of 'correctability' created by Art 30 RFSDIT. This evidences the inadequacy of applying a merger or State aid control logic to the public procurement context. Third, the relative intensity of the foreign subsidy is much lower for procurement than for concentrations under the RFSDIT. Art 18(3) creates a safe harbour of up to 10% of the value of a concentration. Art 27(2) contains no parallel rule. Thus, Art 3(2) offers the only (soft) safe harbour for procurement, which means that subsidies of 2% or less of the tender value would be caught. The reason for this different treatment under RFSDIT opens it to challenge on proportionality grounds. Moreover, it is unclear how a 2% subsidy could create a situation comparable to that of an ALT, which further reinforces concerns of unequal treatment, as above.

Brexit & Procurement: Transitioning into the Void?

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Dr Pedro Telles and I are putting the last touches to a new paper on Brexit and procurement (see here for an earlier analysis). In this working paper, we concentrate on the implications of the draft transition agreement of March 2018, as well as some of the aspects of a potential future EU-UK FTA. The abstract of the paper, which is available on SSRN and on which we sincerely invite any feedback, is as follows:

On 29 March 2017, the UK notified its intention of leaving the EU. This activated the two-year disconnection period foreseen in Article 50 TEU, thus resulting in a default Brexit at the end of March 2019. The firming up of a draft agreement on a transition period to run until 31 December 2020 can now provide a longer timescale for the Brexit disconnection, as well as some clarity on the process of disentanglement of the UK’s and EU’s legal systems. The draft transition agreement of 19 March 2018 provides explicit rules on public procurement bound to regulate ‘internal’ procurement trade between the UK and the EU for a period of over 15 months. However, the uncertainty concerning the future EU-UK relationship remains, and the draft agreement does not provide any indication on the likely legal architecture for future EU-UK trade, including through public procurement. The draft agreement has thus not suppressed the risk of a ‘cliff-edge’ disconnection post-Brexit, but rather solely deferred it. The transition is currently not into an alternative system of procurement regulation, but rather into the void. There have also been very limited developments concerning the UK’s and EU’s repositioning within the World Trade Organisation Government Procurement Agreement (WTO GPA), which creates additional legal uncertainty from the perspective of ‘external’ trade in procurement markets due to the absence of a ‘WTO rules’ default applicable to public procurement.

Against the backdrop of this legal uncertainty, this paper critically assesses the implications for public procurement of the March 2018 draft transition agreement. In particular, the paper identifies three shortcomings that would have required explicit regulation: first, the (maybe inadvertent) exclusion from the scope of coverage of the of the draft transition agreement of procurement carried out by the EU Institutions themselves; second, the continued enforcement of the rules on contract modification and termination; and third, the interaction between procurement and other rules. The paper also and flags up some of the areas for future EU-UK collaboration that require further attention. The paper then goes on to revisit the continued uncertainty concerning the EU’s and UK’s position within the WTO GPA. It concludes that it is in both the UK’s and the EU’s interest to reach a future EU-UK FTA that ensures continued collaboration and crystallises current compliance with EU rules, and to build on it to reach a jointly negotiated solution vis-a-vis the rest of WTO GPA parties.

The full details of the paper are as follows: P Telles & A Sanchez-Graells, 'Brexit and Public Procurement: Transitioning into the Void?' (April 20, 2018) SSRN working paper https://ssrn.com/abstract=3166056.

Examining Brexit Through the GPA’s Lens: What Next for UK Public Procurement Reform?

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Dr Pedro Telles and I have just published 'Examining Brexit Through the GPA’s Lens: What Next for UK Public Procurement Reform?' (2017) 47(1) Public Contract Law Journal 1-33 and, thanks to the permission of the American Bar Association, made it available through SSRN https://ssrn.com/abstract=3076543. This is the abstract:

The United Kingdom has formally started the process of leaving the European Union (so called Brexit). This has immersed the UK Government and EU Institutions in a two-year period of negotiations to disentangle the UK from EU law by the end of March 2019, and to devise a new legal framework for UK-EU trade afterwards. The UK will thereafter be adjusting its trading arrangements with the rest of the world. In this context, public procurement regulation is broadly seen as an area where a UK ‘unshackled by EU law’ would be able to turn to a lighter-touch and more commercially-oriented regulatory regime. There are indications that the UK would simultaneously attempt to create a particularly close relationship with the US, although recent changes in US international trade policy may pose some questions on that trade strategy. Overall, then, Brexit has created a scenario where UK public procurement law and policy may be significantly altered.

The extent to which this is a real possibility crucially depends on the framework for the future trading relationship between the UK and the EU. Whereas ”EU-derived law” will not restrict the UK’s freedom to regulate public procurement, the conclusion of a closely-knit EU-UK trade agreement covering procurement could thus well result in the country’s continued full compliance with EU rules. Nonetheless, this is not necessarily a guaranteed scenario and, barring specific requirements in future free trade agreements between the UK and the EU or third countries, including the US, the World Trade Organisation Government Procurement Agreement (GPA) seems to be the only regulatory constraint with which future UK public procurement reform needs to conform. However, the position of the UK under the GPA is far from clear. We posit that the UK will face a GPA accession process and GPA members may see Brexit as an opportunity to obtain new concessions from the UK and the EU, which could be both in terms of scope of coverage or regulatory conformity. Further, given the current trend of creating GPA plus procurement chapters in free trade agreements, such as the US-Korea FTA, the GPA regulatory baseline will gain even more importance as a benchmark for any future reform of public procurement regulation in the UK, even beyond the strict scope of coverage of the GPA. Given the diversity of GPA-compliant procurement systems (such as the EU’s and the US’), though, the extent to which the GPA imposes significant restrictions on UK public procurement reform is unclear. However, we argue that bearing in mind the current detailed regulation in the UK might itself limit deregulation due to the need to comply with the international law principle of good faith as included in the 1969 Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties and, to a certain extent, the United Nations Convention Anti-Corruption. 

The aim of this paper is to try to disentangle the multi-layered complexities of Brexit and to explore the issues that Brexit has created in the area of international public procurement regulation, both from the perspective of ‘internal’ EU law-related issues and with regard to broader ‘external’ issues of international trade regulation, as well as to assess the GPA baseline regulatory requirements, and to reflect on the impact these may have on post-Brexit public procurement reform in the UK.